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Saturday, 17 September 2011

Jüri Lina - Recommended reading

Under the sign of the Scorpion- the Rise and Fall of the Soviet Empire


This 447 page book provides stunning information about the secret role of the freemasons in international politics, about the bloody upheavals in France in 1789 and in Russia in 1917. The Author reveals the presence of dark Masonic forces behind the scenes (both Lenin and Trotsky were high-ranking freemasons and Illuminati, obeying the International Masonic Council). The Author pursues the history of the communist ideology from the Illuminati of the 18th century, to Moses Hess and his disciples Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. The Illuminati movement was founded on the 1st of May 1776 in Ingolstadt, Bavaria. The book describes the role of the Illuminati in the French "Revolution". It then goes on to examine the so-called Russian Revolutions in 1917. J�ri Lina shows how the events in Russia between 1917 and 1991 still affect the fate of the world.

The author tries to answer questions like: Where did the Communist idea originate and how was it developed? Why did powerful international financial circles finance the "Russian revolutionaries" in March and November 1917? What was the purpose of the social destruction that followed and in which way did this serve the forces behind the Communists?
"Under the Sign of the Scorpion" will change the reader's perception of reality. After the fall of the Soviet power on the 24th of August 1991, the official archives have begun to reveal their secrets to amazed Russian historians. There is a constant flow of new shocking information but only a trickle has as yet reached us in Western Europe and America. Above all, we lack an overall picture. It is this picture which J�ri Lina attempts to give us in his book, which is largely based on released Russian material.
The author also explains why the Soviet Union was abolished and is currently being recreated under another name - the European Union.

"Under the Sign of the Scorpion" is likely to change the reader's perception of reality. The reader should gain insight into another reality from where certain powers are attempting to control us with invisible threads.
The book is illustrated.

International customers may order the book by paying US $ 40 (USA,), 25 (UK), 35 euros within the European Union.

If you are a resident of the United States, you can send a money order on 40 US dollars to our agent in North America in his name:

Mr. Reino Trass
50 Old Kingston Road 5-116
Scarborough, Toronto, Ontario M1E 4Y1

Phone: + (416) 724 55 16

If you are a resident of Canada, you can send a check or a money order on 45 Canadian dollars to our agent in North America in his name:

Mr. Reino Trass
50 Old Kingston Road 5-116
Scarborough, Toronto, Ontario M1E 4Y1

Phone: + (416) 724 55 16

If you are a resident of the European Union, please, pay the money into Juri Lina's bank account in Sweden:

account 374 462 682

IBAN: SE03 6000 0000 0003 7446 2682
In Svenska Handelsbanken (Hallunda Torg,
Box 24, 145 01 Norsborg,
Sweden), to Jüri Lina.

You may also mail cash directly to:

Jyri Lina
Friggs vag 6 IV
145 69 Norsborg (Stockholm)

Or contact Juri Lina via e mail


1. Myths Concerning False Communists and Sham Christians

2. The Illuminati: Triumph of Treachery
The Ideological Background of the Illuminati
The First Disclosures
The Murders of Mozart and Schiller
The Illuminati as Infiltrators
The Jesuits’ Totalitarianism as a Prototype
The Illuminati’s First National Coup
The Illuminati’s Way to World Power
3. Karl Marx –Evil’s Idol
Moses Hess – the Teacher of Marx and Engels
The Background of Marx’s View of Humanity
Incredible Admissions by Marx, Disraeli and others
Marx and Engels as Illuminati
1848: "The Year of Revolution" – the First Wave
March 1848 – The Prepared Plan
The Second Wave 1848-49>
The Illuminist Terror Continues...
The Truth Behind the Myths
Marx as a Publicist
The Moral Bankruptcy of Marxism
4. The Unknown Vladimir Ulyanov
Lenin as a Freemason
The First Freemasons in Russia
Lenin’s Nature
Lenin’s Terror
The Ideological Background of the Terror
Lenin’s Last Days
5. Leon Trotsky – Cynic and Sadist
Trotsky as a Freemason
Trotsky’s Teacher Parvus
The Attempts at a Coup d’�tat in 1905
Trotsky Abroad
Trotsky as a Merciless Despot
Trotsky’s Comrades
The fall of Admiral Shchastny
The Kronstadt Rebellion
Trotsky as a Grey Eminence
Trotsky as an Anti-intellectual
The Murder of Sergei Yesenin
Stalin as Victor
The Murder of Trotsky
6. How the Communists Reached Power
The Background of the First World War
Where did the Russian Jews originate?
The Coup in February 1917
Similarities to the Deposition of the Shah
The Return of Lenin and Trotsky
Revelations in the Press
Kornilov’s Revolt
The Take-Over of Power
The German Aid
The Beginning of the Government Terror
7. Through the Labyrinth of Murder

8. The Bloodthirsty Wolf of the Kremlin – Lazar Kaganovich
Kaganovich as a Grey Eminence
Destruction of Russian Culture
The Great Famine and Other Crimes
The Great Terror
Beria’s Contribution
The Murder of Stalin
The Power Struggle After Stalin’s Death
9. American Aid to the Soviet Union
"Intervention" as a Diversion
Famine as a Weapon
Deals with the Bolsheviks
Collectivisation as a Weapon
Construction of the Soviet Regime
Increasing American Support
War Aid to Moscow
Foreign Slaves in the Soviet Union
Stalin’s Holy War
Aid During the "Cold War"
Dismantling the Soviet Union
Phasing Out of Communism in Eastern Europe
The United States Also Helped the Chinese Communists Gain Power.

10. The Communist Take Over in Estonia

Some Conclusions

Lenin as a Freemason

Whether Lenin was a freemason as early as in the 1890s is not yet possible to determine but he worked in the same way as subversive groups usually do. The Illuminati, the Grand Orient, B'nai B'rith (Sons of the Covenant), and other Masonic lodges were all interested in agitating the workers towards certain "useful" goals.
It is important to stress that Lenin and his henchmen did not work for a living. They could still afford to travel around Europe (then relatively more expensive than now) and live in luxury. These professional revolutionaries had only one task - to agitate the workers. Lenin's later activity shows clearly how he followed Adam Weishaupt's line.
Several sources reveal that Lenin became a freemason whilst abroad in 1908. One of these sources is a thorough investigation: Nikolai Svitkov's "About Freemasonry in Russian Exile", published in Paris in 1932. According to Svitkov, the most important freemasons from Russia were Vladimir Ulyanov-Lenin, Leon Trotsky (Leiba Bronstein), Grigori Zinoviev (Gerson Radomyslsky), Leon Kamenev (actually Leiba Rosen-feld), Karl Radek (Tobiach Sobelsohn), Maxim Litvinov (Meyer Hennokh Wallakh), Yakov Sverdlov (Yankel-Aaron Solomon), L. Martov (Yuli Zederbaum), and Maxim Gorky (Alexei Peshkov), among others.
According to the Austrian political scientist Karl Steinhauser's "EG - die Super-UdSSR von morgen" / "The European Union - the Super Soviet Union (USSR) of Tomorrow" (Vienna, 1992, p. 192), Lenin belonged to the Masonic lodge Art et Travail (Art and Labour). The famous British politician Winston Churchill also confirmed that Lenin and Trotsky belonged to the circle of the Masonic and Illuminist conspirators. (Illustrated Sunday Herald, 8 February 1920.)
Lenin, Zinoviev, Radek and Sverdlov also belonged to B'nai B'rith. Researchers who are specialised in the activities of B'nai B'rith, including Schwartz-Bostunich, confirmed this infor-mation. (Viktor Ostretsov, "Freemasonry, Culture and Russian History", Moscow, 1999, pp. 582-583.)
Lenin was a freemason of the 31st degree (Grand Inspecteur Inquisiteur Commandeur) and a member of the lodge Art et Travail in Switzerland and France. (Oleg Platonov, "Russia's Crown of Thorns: The Secret History of Freemasonry", Moscow, 2000, part II, p. 417.)
When Lenin visited the headquarters of Grand Orient on rue Cadet in Paris, he signed the visitors' book. (Viktor Kuznetsov, "The Secret of the October Coup", St. Petersburg, 2001, p. 42.)
Together with Trotsky, Lenin took part in the International Masonic Conference in Copenhagen in 1910. (Franz Weissin, "Der Weg zum Sozialismus" / "The Road to Socialism", Munich, 1930, p. 9.) The socialisation of Europe was on the agenda.
Alexander Galpern, then secretary of the Masonic Supreme Council, confirmed in 1916 that there were Bolsheviks among the freemasons. I can further mention Nikolai Sukhanov (actually Himmer) and N. Sokolov. According to Galpern's testimony, the freemasons also gave Lenin financial aid to his revolutionary activity. This was certified by a known freemason, Grigori Aronson, in his article "Freemasons in Russian Politics", published in the Novoye Russkoye Slovo (New York, 8-12 October 1959). The historian Boris Nikolayevsky also mentioned this in his book "The Russian Freemasons and the Revolution" (Moscow, 1990).
In 1914, two Bolsheviks, Ivan Skvortsov-Stepanov and Grigori Petrovsky, contacted the freemason Alexander Konovalov for economic aid. The latter became a minister in the Provisional Government.
Radio Russia also spoke of Lenin's activities as a freemason on 12 August 1991.


It was the morning of the 30th of August 1918. A cyclist turned up in Petrograd’s Palace Square at around nine o’clock. He stopped at house number 6, the headquarters of the Commune Commissariat for Internal Affairs and the Extra-Ordinary Commission, the Cheka. This terror organisation had been founded on 7 December 1917, but officially it did not exist. Only on the 18th December 1927 did Pravda publish the decree officially establishing the Cheka. The cyclist was a young man wearing a leather jacket and an officer’s cap. He left his bicycle by the door and entered.
It was reception day at the Commissariat for Internal Affairs. The visitors were waiting in the hall and did not notice the young man who sat down near the outer door.
Moisei Uritsky (actually Boretsky) arrived in his car at around ten o’clock. He was the chairman of the Petrograd Cheka. Uritsky became infamous as the "Butcher of Petrograd". He threatened to kill all Russians who spoke their native language well. He claimed there was no greater pleasure than watching monarchists die, according to Igor Bunich ("The Party’s Gold", St. Petersburg, 1992) and Oleg Platonov ("The History of the Russian People in the Twentieth Century", Moscow, 1997, p. 613). Uritsky had executed 5000 officers with his own hands. Now he quickly walked towards the lift door. Suddenly several shots were heard. It was the young man in the leather jacket who had approached Uritsky and shot him in his head and body. Uritsky collapsed. The murderer ran out into the street, jumped on his bicycle and began pedalling as fast as he could.
When they began to chase him by car, he threw away his bicycle and ran into the British Representation. He left the representation after having donned a longcoat. When he saw Red Guards, he opened fire but was quickly overpowered.
This was the official description of Moisei Uritsky’s murder. The suspect was a 22-year-old Jewish student of technology, Leonid Kannegisser. This cock-and-bull story was published in 1975 in the book "The Elimination of the Anti-Soviet Subversive Movement" by D. Golinkov, who used to investigate especially important cases at the office of the Public Prosecutor of the Soviet Union.
The doctor of history, P. Sofinov, described the same event in a very different manner in 1960, in his book about the history of the Cheka. On the morning of the 30th of August, the Social Revolutionary Kennigisser, who was the freemason Savinkov’s agent as well as a spy for the British and the French, murdered the chief of the Cheka in Petrograd, Moisei Uritsky, in his office. Felix Dzerzhinsky (actually Rufin) gave orders to search the British Embassy on the 31st of August.
The Social Revolutionary Kennigisser had become the student Kannegisser in the meantime, and now he had murdered Uritsky in the hallway of the Cheka instead of in Uritsky’s office. Sofinov’s version probably seemed too contrived to be credible.
Grigori Nilov’s (Alexander Kravtsov’s) book "The Grammar of Leninism" was published in London in 1990. In this book the author gave neither theory credibility. Instead he claimed that the Bolshevik party and the central organisation of the Cheka with Lenin and Dzerzhinsky at the head were behind Uritsky’s murder.
The book "The Party’s Gold" by the historian Igor Bunich was published in St. Petersburg in 1992. Igor Bunich reveals that the murder of Uritsky was organised by Dzerzhinsky’s prot�g� Gleb Boky who later became Dzerzhinsky’s successor. The Jewish Chekist, Boky, used to feed the flesh of the executed to the animals in the zoo. Igor Bunich demonstrated that Lenin personally gave the order to murder Uritsky and also to stage an attempt on his own life to give himself a reason to immediately begin the mass terror against the Russian population. The murder was also Uritsky’s punishment for stealing some of the confiscated riches from behind Lenin’s back, together with V. Volodarsky (actually Moisei Goldstein) and the freemason Andronnikov (who was chief of the Cheka in Kronstadt). Everything was sold via certain Scandinavian banks – but more about that later.
The murder of Sergei Kirov (actually Kostrikov) on 1 December 1934 was in many ways similar to Uritsky’s murder. Kirov was officially murdered by Leonid Nikolaiev. Both of those high party functionaries had been murdered professionally and without obstacles. Both were warned in advance. Both murderers could freely gain entrance to the respective buildings.
It is clear today that Stalin was behind the murder of Kirov, despite the fact that there are no documents about this. There is no lack of evidence and logical arguments. Kirov’s bodyguard was prevented from accompanying him, so that the real murderer could shoot the Leningrad Party Secretary at exactly 4:30 in the afternoon. That event provided a good reason for Stalin to begin his campaign of mass terror. At least 7 million people were killed during that campaign and 18 million were imprisoned. 97 per cent of the participants at the 1934 Party Congress were liquidated.
Kravtsov presented some suspect circumstances in connection with the murder of Uritsky, who was also a member of the Central Committee. No analysis was made of Kannegisser’s revolver and ammunition. The Cheka did not seem to want the truth to come out. Kannegisser was never taken to trial, but was illegally killed. If Kannegisser had really been a Social Revolutionary, then a trial would have been a propaganda triumph for the regime. It would have been publicly announced who planned the murder. But not even the motive for Uritsky’s murder was ever revealed.
In contrast, it is known now that Lenin became furious when he received reports from Alexander Parvus in Berlin in which it was revealed that someone in Petrograd had stolen from Lenin. Just before Dzerzhinsky had travelled to Switzerland to investigate the situation. It turned out that not all the cargoes had reached Berlin; not all the money had ended up in the Swiss bank accounts of Lenin and his approved comrades. Some cargoes of "nationalised" goods had been sent to Sweden, including many valuable icons (some of these are still on display in the National Museum in Stockholm), the money had gone into the hands of other people than Trotsky and Lenin. The guilty parties were soon found, in June 1918. The main suspects were Uritsky, Volodarsky and Andronnikov (the chief of the Cheka in Kronstadt). They had stolen whole cargoes and sold everything through different Scandinavian banks. 78 million roubles in gold had vanished in this way. (Igor Bunich, "The Party’s Gold", St. Petersburg, 1992, p. 41.) The thieves (others were also involved) had stolen goods worth a total of 2.5 billion roubles in gold. At various auctions in Stockholm in the autumn of 1995, Russia began buying back valuable antique furniture which had been illicitly transported to Sweden.
This came as an unpleasant surprise for Parvus, since Uritsky and Volodarsky had been his favourite disciples. Parvus had founded a Yiddish newspaper, Arbaiter Stimme (Worker’s Voice) for Uritsky in Copenhagen, on which Grigory Chudnovsky and Nikolai Gordon (Leiba Alie Hael Gordon) had also worked. The latter was a Latvian Jew and a close collaborator with Grigory Zinoviev (Ovsei Radomyslsky).
In Moscow, Lenin promised to solve the problem. And indeed, Volodarsky was murdered in the same month. Uritsky led the investigation and learned the truth, upon which he also was murdered.
Kannegisser declared that he had acted alone. The Social Revolutionaries denied all knowledge of Kannegisser. He had never been a member of their party.
Even the circumstance that Kannegisser was wearing an officer’s cap was peculiar when others had hidden their caps to avoid being executed. It seems he wanted to draw attention to himself. The fact that he ran into the British Embassy to change was also surprising. He only took off his leather jacket and put on a longcoat. Why, then, did he run away from the site of the murder at all? It was also very odd that he managed to approach Uritsky unhindered and that he was able to escape with the same ease after shooting him. It was impossible to enter without a special permit, since there were armed guards at the door. Unknown persons could not even speak to Uritsky on the telephone. This has been confirmed by Mikhail Aldanov. Why did no one react? They saw and heard everything!
Mikhail Aldanov demonstrated in his study that Kannegisser could not shoot. Aldanov knew both him and his family well. How then, could Kannegisser hit Uritsky in his head like a sharpshooter when the latter was walking quickly towards the lift? It appears that Kannegisser was used as a shadowman, just as Leonid Nikolaiev was later used in Kirov’s murder.
Moreover, Lenin, on the afternoon of the 30th of August 1918, sent Dzerzhinsky a short letter, where two people who had shot Uritsky were named. Why has nothing been mentioned about these two later? Who were they?
The fact that Kannegisser admitted to the crime is irrelevant, since the Chekist torturers could make anyone admit to anything. In this case, the opportunity was taken to accuse the right wing of the Social Revolutionaries of the murder.
It has now been confirmed that the central organisation of the Cheka, headed by Gleb Boky, was behind Uritsky’s murder. (Igor Bunich, "The Party’s Gold", St. Petersburg, 1992, p. 47.)
So the motive was to exact revenge on Uritsky for his thefts. The main purpose was to be given a reason to begin the mass terror. The murder of Kirov had the same motive. But was there not also another reason to dispose of Uritsky now that he had solved the mystery of another murder?
V. Volodarsky (Moisei Goldstein) had been murdered under puzzling circumstances on June 20, 1918. He was the people’s commissary for press, propaganda and agitation. His murderer was at once stamped as a right wing Social Revolutionary, despite the fact that he was never caught.
The Bolshevik leadership in Moscow wanted to begin the massacre immediately. Moisei Uritsky, who investigated the murder of Volodarsky, refused to agree to this. He suspected the hand of the central leadership behind this murder. That was why it was impossible to use this murder as a pretext. Lenin was beside himself with rage. This is clear from Lenin’s angry telegrams, sent on the 26th of June 1918 to Grigori Zinoviev, the chairman of the Petrograd Party Committee. Lenin wrote, among other things: "We in the Central Committee heard today that Piter’s workers want to respond to Volodarsky’s murder with terror but you (not you personally, but Piter’s civil servants) held back. I protest strongly!"
The only one who could ignore the demands to begin the terror was Petrograd’s 45-year-old chief Chekist, Moisei Uritsky. According to Alexander Kravtsov, this telegram clearly shows that the murder of Volodarsky was planned and organised by the Cheka under orders from Lenin. This was confirmed by the historian Igor Bunich.

Kornilov’s Revolt

The Supreme Commander of the Russian army, General Lavr Kornilov (1870-1918), no longer wanted to take part in the shady game of the revolutionary freemasons. He broke away from them and began preparations in Mogilev to overthrow Kerensky’s government. Kornilov understood that those left-wing ministers, who for many years had been shouting that they could do better than the Tsar’s ministers were actually perfectly ignorant people.
According to the prevailing myth, the February revolution was a very positive event. In reality, this coup d’�tat led only to anarchy, as the writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn emphasised in a BBC interview.
On 19 August (1st September), Kornilov ordered his Cossacks to attack Petrograd. On 25 August (7th September) Kornilov said to his chief of staff: "It is time to hang the Germans’ supporters and spies led by Lenin. And we must destroy the soviets so that they can never assemble again!"
On the same day he sent General Alexander Krymov’s troops towards Petrograd with orders to hang all soviet members. (John Shelton Curtiss, "The Russian Revolution of 1917", New York, 1957, p. 50.)
In his proclamation on August 26th (September 8th), (Novoye Vremya, 11th of September 1917), Kornilov accused the Provisional Government of co-operating with the Germans to undermine the state and army. He wanted to dissolve the soviets and demanded that Kerensky should step down and give the power up to him. Kornilov understood that the Bolsheviks were the greatest danger to Russia. That was why he wanted them all imprisoned.
Kerensky knew he had been exposed. His game was over. So he continued releasing imprisoned Bolsheviks. Kozlowski was also set free. He worked as a Chekist after the Bolsheviks’ take-over of power.
Kerensky was seized with panic and declared on the 27th of August (September 9th) that Kornilov was a mutineer and officially deprived him of his command. Kerensky turned to the Bolsheviks for help against Kornilov to salvage whatever he could. All the Bolsheviks were, as if by magic, immediately cleared of all charges and presented as the best possible defenders of democracy. Had not Trotsky said in the United States that power should be given to whoever was best able to develop democracy in Russia? The Bolsheviks, however, did everything they could to keep Kerensky in power. It was still too early for them to take over. The Bolsheviks had completely "forgotten" Lenin’s slogan: "No support for the Provisional Government!" ("The Shorter Biography of Lenin", Moscow, 1955, p. 168.)
The Bolsheviks began organising political strikes. They encouraged the workers and soldiers to defend the government. On the 27th of August the socialists founded a Central Committee against the counter-revolution together with the Bolsheviks. They ordered thousands of sailors from Kronstadt to Petrograd. The workers of Petrograd were forcibly mobilised. The Bolsheviks threatened to kill them if they did not obey. The Red Guards were immediately given back the weapons which had been confiscated during the fierce July days. The soviets began arresting people, primarily those who were suspected of sympathising with Kornilov. Thousands of officers were arrested in this way. A total of 7000 politically "suspect" people were arrested. (John Shelton Curtiss, "The Russian Revolution of 1917", New York, 1957, p. 53.)
The railwaymen were also mobilised and began sabotaging the railways. Thus Kornilov’s �lite troops were halted and surrounded.
International freemasonry suddenly began using enormous resources to halt Kornilov, since the appearance of his revolt on the political scene had not been in the manuscript; he had to be removed by any means possible, including guile and violence. He was depicted as the worst thing that ever happened to Russia. Myths about him continue to be spread to this day. It is even claimed that he was ignorant of politics.
The freemasons began a huge propaganda campaign among Kornilov’s soldiers who were thoroughly scared and confused. General Alexander Krymov (a freemason) was invited to negotiations with Kerensky. I do not know what they threatened Krymov with, but upon leaving this meeting he shot himself (if it was really he who held the weapon).

The freemasons succeeded with their combined efforts in stopping Kornilov’s national troops barely a week later, on 30 August (12th September). The left-wing leaders have always regarded right-wing national patriots as the biggest threat to their socialist worldview. Kornilov was arrested on the 1st (14th) of September but later managed to escape.
The Bolsheviks immediately took the initiative in the soviets. On the same day Kornilov was arrested, they gained a majority in the Petrograd Soviet in the local elections. They became dominant in Moscow on 8 (21) September.
Trotsky was also released from prison on 4 (17) September. Nobody wanted to remember anything about the July scandal any longer. Now the time was ripe to prepare a quiet, peaceful transfer of power. The suitable astrological time for the seizure of power had been calculated in advance.

The Take-Over of Power

To confuse and to camouflage their Illuminist order in Russia, the Bolshevik leadership intended to call the future regime the Soviet (i.e. Kahal) regime.
On 21 September 1917, Jakub F�rstenberg sent a telegram from Stockholm to Raphael Scholan (Shaumann) in Haparanda (it is preserved in the American National Archives): "Dear comrade! The office of the banking house M. Warburg has opened in accordance with telegram from president of Rhenish-Westphalian Syndicate an account for the undertaking of Comrade Trotsky. The attorney (agent), presumably Mr. Kastroff, purchased arms and has organised their transportation... And a person authorised to receive the money demanded by Comrade Trotsky. F�rstenberg."
On 23 September (6 October) Trotsky was elected chairman of the Petrograd Workers’ and Soldiers’ Soviet, despite his being neither a soldier nor a worker. Everything was possible among the freemasons.
Meanwhile, the United States demanded ever larger contributions to the war from Kerensky. The Provisional Government reluctantly complied. The minister for war affairs, Alexander Verkhovsky, resigned in protest. It is interesting to note that the American demands ceased immediately after the Bolsheviks had seized power.
I must point out here that, according to Antony Sutton, different documents in the archives of the American State Department prove that David Francis, the American ambassador in Moscow, was kept well-informed about the Bolsheviks’ plans. The White House knew at least six weeks in advance when the Bolsheviks would take over power. That event had been appointed to take place on a date which happened to coincide with Trotsky’s birthday. So, those plans were known in the United States as early as the 13th (26th) September 1917.
The president of the United States Woodrow Wilson knew in advance that the Bolshevik take-over would prolong the world war. But he did nothing to stop their plans. On the contrary, he did everything in his power to aid them. The United States of America was the only nation to make a huge profit on the war. All the other warring powers lost gigantic sums and came to owe the United States a total of 14 billion dollars. It has been calculated that the international financial �lite made a total of 208 billion dollars on the war.
The British government also knew about the Bolshevik plans, since they also recommended that their subjects leave Moscow at least six weeks before the take-over. (Antony C. Sutton, "Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution", Morley, 1981, p. 45.) So it appears both London and Washington knew who they were dealing with.
The 8th of November came ever closer and the Bolsheviks did everything in their power to spread apathy among the workers and soldiers, which they later intended to exploit. They also tried to tempt people with the magic word: "Peace!", which no longer felt so treasonable.
The Bolshevik Party was not very large at this point. Furthermore, it had an Illuminist core of 4000 members who were most active. Meanwhile, the circulation of Pravda decreased from 220 000 to 85 000 copies.
According to Margarita Fofanova, Lenin returned to Petrograd on the 5th and not the 20th of October, as officially claimed. He stayed with Fofanova until the take-over. The authorities knew perfectly well that Lenin was in Petrograd. This was confirmed to an official by Lenin’s sister Maria. The Provisional Government did not in any way try to pursue or arrest Lenin.
The Bolshevik plans to seize power were no secret. The general public was not ignorant about them and least of all the Provisional Government. Zinoviev and Kamenev wrote quite openly of their plans in the newspaper Novaya Zhizn on the 31st of October. Lenin had also spoken publicly of those plans on a number of occasions. The historian E. M. Halliday admitted in his book "Russia in Revolution" (Malm�, 1968, p. 114) that the authorities knew of the Bolshevik plans in detail. So why, unless they were involved in the conspiracy, did they do nothing about it?
For several historians, however, the mystery was not so much the fact that the Bolsheviks had officially discussed their take-over plans in the press, but that the Provisional Government took no steps to protect itself; in fact it did quite the opposite. Prime Minister Alexander Kerensky refused to order special troops to Petrograd, when this was suggested. (Mikhail Heller and Alexander Nekrich, "Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 37.)
It is of course a fabrication that the leading Bolsheviks gathered on the 23rd of October (5th of November) in Nikolai Sukhanov’s (Gimmel’s) flat and only then decided to organise the assault on the Winter Palace. Any other Bolshevik leaders but Lenin and Trotsky would have said that armed action was completely unnecessary, since they would gain power at the Second Soviet Congress on the 25th October (7th of November) anyway. This seems to have been a later invention since Trotsky had already formed a military revolutionary committee on the 12th (25th) of October. The power was transferred to this organ in secret on the 21st of October (3rd of November). (Heller and Nekrich, "Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 38.)
All the available facts today suggest an organised plot and not any kind of spontaneous action.
Lenin was not seen between the 2nd and 7th of November. He was not needed. It was Trotsky who organised everything. Lenin disappeared from Fofanova’s flat in the late evenings. Only Stalin knew anything about Lenin’s mysterious disappearances. Lenin was not at Fofanova’s on the evening of the 24th of October (6th of November). Neither was he in the Soviet building in the Smolny palace. This was confirmed in the book "About Nadezhda Krupskaya", published in 1988 in Moscow. Nadezhda had come from Smolny to Fofanova’s flat to look for Lenin. But he was not there. The historians Heller and Nekrich came to the same conclusion: Lenin was not even in Smolny in the late evening of the 6th of November. According to other sources, he turned up only on the 7th of November. He had taken a tram to Smolny. Lenin said to Trotsky in German: "Es schwindelt!" (I’m dizzy!). He was in control!
Lenin immediately began threatening with executions if he was not completely obeyed. But it was still Trotsky who led the show.
The Soviet Congress, which had taken up residence in the Smolny Girls’ School, was led by Fiodor Dan (actually Gurvich, 1871-1947), one of the Menshevik leaders. The conspirators announced already at 10:40 in the morning of the 7th of November that the Provisional Government had been overthrown and the power seized by the soviets. The Soviet Congress accepted the motion to form a new government -– the Council of People’s Commissaries (Sovnarkom). The suggestion received 390 votes out of 650. The government was to be exclusively composed of Bolsheviks with Lenin at the head. The leader of the Mensheviks, L. Martov, left the congress together with the other members of his party.
It was actually the military revolutionary committee who had seized the power. The Bolsheviks modelled it on the revolutionary committees the Jacobins created during the so-called French Revolution. The committee in Petrograd consisted of 18 Commissars. Most of them were either Jews or married to Jewesses. The chairman was Leon Trotsky (Jew). Other members were: Vladimir Ulyanov-Lenin (half-Jew), Adolf Yoffe (Jew), Josef Unschlicht (Jew), Gleb Boky (Jew), Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko (Jew), Konstantin Mekhonoshin (Jew), Mikhail Lashevich (Jew), Felix Dzerzhinsky (Rufin, Jew), P. Lazimir (Jew), A. Sadovsky (Jew), Pavel Dybenko (married to the Jewess Alexandra Kollontay), Nikolai Podvoisky, Vyacheslav Molotov (actually Skryabin), Vladimir Nevsky (Feodosi Krivobokov), Andrei Bubnov and Nikolai Skrypnik.
Lenin and his government gained power temporarily. That was why he also called his government provisional until the Constituent Assembly was elected on the 17th of November.
Something inexplicable happened at this point: in fact – nothing at all happened on the afternoon of the 7th of November. The historians cannot understand why the Winter Palace was not taken at once. The Soviet Congress also paused a while. Trotsky went into another room to rest. It was officially claimed that Lenin was in the building too, and went to sleep in another room in the afternoon.
At this time Lenin seemed to be but Trotsky’s bloodhound. At the Soviet Congress, only Trotsky was seen as he now and then came out to speak with some members. Lenin was nowhere to be seen. He only sent a few notes to Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko, Nikolai Podvoisky and some of the others at the congress. (Sergei Melgunov, "How the Bolsheviks Seized Power", Paris, 1953.)
According to the myth, about 5000 sailors had already gathered around the Winter Palace to prepare the storming early in the morning of the 25th October (7th of November). In actual fact, this building was taken over by a few hundred "revolutionaries", including 50 Red Guards, who calmly just marched straight into the palace.
What happened to all of those tens of thousands of "revolutionary soldiers" who are so warmly spoken of in the history books? This was just another fabrication, for the Winter Palace was never stormed. It was not necessary. But to take over the seat of power at a carefully calculated point in time was a symbolic act with astrological connotations for Lenin and Trotsky.
That was why Trotsky still wanted to gather as many people as possible. 235 workers were brought from the Baltic Dockyard. Only 80 were fetched from the Putilov Factory, despite 1500 Red Guards having been officially registered there. A total of 26 000 worked there. All the important sites in the city were taken over by a few thousand "revolutionaries"...
The first Red Guards gathered by the Winter Palace only at around 4:30 in the afternoon, according to the exiled Russian historian Sergei Melgunov. The chief of the Red Guards, Vladimir Nevsky (who later became People’s Commissary for Communications), received orders to wait. At around six o’clock, the principal of the Artillery Academy in Mikhailovsk ordered his cadets to leave the Winter Palace. The Cossacks also left, according to Sergei Melgunov’s book "How the Bolsheviks Seized Power" (Paris, 1953, p. 119).
Eventually only two companies of the women’s battalion and 40 disabled soldiers remained. This cannot be explained in any other way than that the Provisional Government did everything in its power to hand the Winter Palace over to the Bolsheviks as peacefully as possible. The Provisional Government no longer held any power. It was all just a big show for the public.
The theatres held their performances, the restaurants stayed open. Nobody noticed that anything strange was going on. The bridge watchmen had no idea about the real situation, either. Lenin and Trotsky, wishing to be on the safe side by securing all the transport routes between the different areas of the city, had bribed all the bridge watchmen.
Time passed and still nothing happened. Everybody waited. According to the myth, the Bolsheviks had issued an ultimatum to the Provisional Government, which refused to answer. But how could they issue an ultimatum to a government which already on the 3rd of November had voluntarily handed over power to the military revolutionary committee? Besides, Trotsky had confirmed at 2:35 in the afternoon of the 7th of November that the Provisional Government no longer existed. At 10 o’clock the Soviet Congress had proclaimed: "Government power lies with the Military Revolutionary Committee!"
Why it was necessary for Trotsky to put up a show will soon be evident to the observant reader. Trotsky wanted the whole spectacle to appear more dramatic than it actually was. For this reason, he had a number of shells fired from the Peter-Paul Fort while trams continued to roll over the Troitsky Bridge, according to the British ambassador Sir George Buchanan (who, by the way, was involved in the deposition of the Tsar). The remarkable thing was that those shells never hit the Winter Palace. The official explanation was that they were aimed too badly. But why could the Bolsheviks not find anyone among all those thousands of "revolutionary soldiers" who could aim properly? It appears that those who fired the shells suddenly lost their ability to aim straight. All those explosions only managed to break one single window. Why were precisely 35 shells fired? Did that number have some Cabbalistic meaning?
The Red Guards waited for a while outside the Winter Palace despite the absence of guards at the sidedoor, according to M. Heller and A. Nekrich ("Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 41). Neither did the Petrograd Garrison take any action against the Bolsheviks. They just watched the show.
The Red Guards walked around in the city and coerced a few sailors into following them to the Winter Palace, including Indrikis Ruckulis, who was a 27-year-old Latvian officer from Kronstadt and the commander of a group of sailors. He was threatened with death when he refused to accompany the Red Guards. He asserted that no single shell was fired from the armoured cruiser Aurora to give the signal for the storming, as was later claimed (Expressen, the 17th of October 1984). This was another myth.
There was no storming of the Winter Palace. Everything proceeded calmly. No blood was spilled. The Red Guards just waited until it was time to march in. They waited until 1:30 in the morning, according to Indrikis Ruckulis and several other sources. They opened fire for fifteen minutes for the sake of appearances. Nobody was hurt during this "battle", according to a young Marxist, Uralov, who was there. There was nobody to hurt. The Bolsheviks’ fire was never answered.
The Red Guards and sailors then walked through side doors into the Winter Palace, according to the historians Mikhail Heller and Alexander Nekrich, who had found testimonies relating this. The remaining members of the women’s battalion made no resistance, but "capitulated immediately". When the Bolsheviks had coolly walked in through the unguarded entrances, they strolled about in the halls and corridors and greeted the "defenders", who did not resist, in a friendly manner (E. M. Halliday, "Russia in Revolution", Malm�, 1968, p. 120). Even E. M. Halliday confirms that there was never a battle. Only in Moscow was any kind of resistance offered. The Kremlin was fired upon until three in the morning, despite the fact that the cadets had left the building by 7 o’clock on the previous evening.
Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko (1883-1937), who was a comrade of Trotsky, had been given the task of removing the Provisional Government. Here something extremely puzzling occurred. This was related by Radio Russia on the 12th of August 1991 at two in the afternoon.
Antonov-Ovseyenko and his Red Guards reached the Malachite Hall just before two o’clock and waited behind a door leading to the council chamber of the Provisional Government. The government (without Kerensky) had, against all reason, gathered there. Why?
Antonov-Ovseyenko just stood looking at the clock. Red Guards and sailors also stood waiting for Antonov-Ovseyenko’s signal. They waited there for about ten minutes. He later sent a telegram to Lenin: "The Winter Palace was taken over at 2:04."
At 2:10 Antonov-Ovseyenko said: "It is time!" ("Para!") to the Red Guards. He opened the door and said something very cryptic: "Gentlemen! Your time is up!"
We may presume that the Bolsheviks officially took over on the 26th October (8th of November) 1917 at 2:04 in the morning. A closer astrological investigation reveals that the sun was just then in the precise centre of the sign of Scorpio (14*58’).
In the horoscope of the Soviet regime, MC (Medium Coeli = the zenith) lay 4*28’ in Gemini (which stands for power) – an aspect which was favourable to the seizure of power. This horoscope was the worst possible for the subjects of the Soviet Union. It shows that everything was based upon deceit. Only technical development was favoured, spiritual values were entirely rejected. Only the terrorist powermongers were at an advantage. According to its horoscope, the Soviet regime brought nothing good at all into the world. People should have been wary of such a deadly power. It brought only enormous problems and catastrophes. This interpretation is confirmed by the Swedish astrologer Anders Ekström in Skyttorp.


REVIEWED: Swedish book "Under Skorpionens tecken: Sovjetmaktens uppkomst och fall". ("Under the Sign of the Scorpion: The Rise and Fall of Soviet Empire"), Referent Publishing, Stockholm, 2002.

"Under the Sign of the Scorpion" is a fantastic book. Even its subtitle, "The Rise and Fall of Soviet Empire" seemed to promise just too much. The present reviewer was not disappointed, however. In the comparatively small space of 447 pages the author has succeeded in giving the reader that wealth of details (the index of persons mentioned in the book comprises more than 1200 names) as well as that necessary survey which together make a historical account alive, in the highest degree.

Lina starts by following, in two chapters, the history of com�munist thought from 18th century Illuminates up to Moses Hess and his disciples Marx and Engels. The subsequent chapters on Lenin and Trotsky, respectively, afford a lot of little known facts. For instance, how many people know that both Lenin and Trotsky and Marx and Engels were high-ranking freemasons?

Thereupon Lina concentrates on the course of events leading up to the November coup of 1917, the so-called Russian Revolu�tion. Beside generally known facts about the aid given by the German government, Lina gives a detailed account of the finan�cial aid that bank circles in Germany, Great Britain, and the United States gave the Bolshevik leaders. He also exposes that network of family and other personal relationships which made it possible for very influential, chiefly Jewish financial groups to operate across the borders of the two combating blocs of the First World War.

Lina proves to be a skilful pedagogue when demonstrating how the implacable mutual hostility that was enacted between the financial and revolutionary interests, was just a show to deceive the masses: "The Revolution as a business venture."

His description of the time after 1917 is chiefly devoted to the nameless mass terror, which the Soviet Power directed against the defenseless population, including the destruction of the Russian intelligentsia, and the annihilation of the Russian culture.

Why did the Bolsheviks nourish such a deep-set hatred of everything Russian, desiring to destroy it even to the extent that it threatened their own material existence? According to Lina, the reason for this was that the majority of the Bolshevik leadership were not Russians at all but extremist Jews. This is a fact that some debaters feel is controversial. Lina, however, presents detailed evidence that is very difficult to dismiss.

Still, many a reader may find it very difficult to conceive the fact that a powerful empire in our century could so easily fall prey to ruthless gangsters who immediately set out to slaughter tens of millions of innocent people, organized mass famine (Ukraine and Northern Caucasia, in 1932-33), to say nothing of the rest. Anyhow, the facts are there.

The fall of Soviet Power on 24 August 1991 made it possible, for the first time, to publicize lots of secret materials about this power and its abusers during more than 70 years. One strong point with Lina's book is that he gives us what appears to be a rich summary of what has hitherto been published by Russian historians but which has not reached out of Russia except than in small rivulets.

Jüri Lina is an Estonian, living in Sweden since 1979 when he, like Alexander Solzhenitsyn, was forced into exile after recurring conflicts with the political police KGB. The last chapter of his book he devotes to the fate of his fatherland under Soviet Power, 1940-41 and 1944-1991. Here, too, "the Jewish connection" is very clearly seen. To cite just an instance: When Soviet Russia occupied Estonia for the first time, in 1940, this was preceded by diverse underground activities by the Estonian Communist Party. These were without much effect, however, mainly because the party was so small in numbers. Out of the total of 133 members in 1940, however, 67 were also members of two Jewish "cultural" associations. That is to say, there was a majority of Jews in the Communist fifth column that attempted to overthrow the Estonian Republic, while at the same time the Jews were not more than 0,4 per cent of the total population.

This last chapter on Estonia is very interesting to read also because the wealth of details of the destinies of individuals who "chanced to escape the anonymity of the great terror waves". Here, Lina bases his presentation on his own research into the archives of Estonian KGB, now open to researchers. It is also very upsetting to read about this mass of human suffering - what else could we expect?

In the opinion of the present reviewer, Jüri Lina's book "Under the Sign of the Scorpion: The Rise and Fall of Soviet Empire" is one of those rare books that must leave a profound and lasting impression on every reader.

Reviewed by S. D. Savallar

Monday, 22 August 2011

Communist World Government: 1841: The World-Historic Split in Western Philosophy The "Expurgation of Hegelianism"

Communist World Government: 1841: The World-Historic Split in Western Philosophy The "Expurgation of Hegelianism"

One of the most explicit Hegelian and Machiavellian Political Scientists and Saboteurs in the top echelons of the Bavarian Black Guelph Illuminist New World Order (the controlling power behind Western and Communist and Israeli Intelligence Agencies) is Heinz (aka Henry) Kissinger. Hegelian: Crisis Creation, Conflict Resolution, Top Down Centralized Collectivized Political Control - is his specialty. Benjamin Netanyahu and American Presidents, amongst others, take their marching orders from him. Kissinger is a Zionist and also has stated that the Holy Roman Empire should be brought back into being. This has been in the works for a long time and is being accomplished now in the 1956 Rome Treaty based Pan European Union. The overt invasion of Palestine, the Naqba, dates from 1948.

Below is a partial lineage of Kissinger:

Weishaupt's second-in-command, Baron von Knigge, had also struck up a friendship with Mauvillon - to the benefit of the Illuminati. In a letter to Weishaupt, he writes: "I have now found in Cassel the best man, on whom I cannot congratulate ourselves enough: he is Mauvillon, Grand Master of one of the Royal York Lodges. So with him we have the whole lodge in our hands. He has also got from there all their miserable degrees." [NW: 210]

Meggenhofen, Ferdinand Baron von (1760-1790) Sulla Regiments auditor, Burghausen; Captain in the Bavarian service
Metternich, Franz Georg Karl von (1746-1818) Ximenez Imperial Ambassador at Coblenz Prince Clemens Metternich (son) -> the Rothschilds and Henry Kissinger

Metternich was a diplomat, his son Count Clemens Metternich followed in his father's footsteps; very famous in his time and one of the principal negotiators of the Congress of Vienna, he also became involved with the Rothschilds. Interestingly, Henry Kissinger would write his PhD thesis in 1957 on the life of Clemens Metternich, titled A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace 1812-22. 57

57 For the Rothschild connection see Business Week's review - The Richest Dynasty in History - of Niall Ferguson's THE HOUSE OF ROTHSCHILD: Money's Prophets, 1798-1848. Kissinger's thesis on Metternich is easy enough to confirm. N.B.: I just received a copy of Ferguson's book on the Rothschilds yesterday (Aug. 4th); there is indeed a wealth of information on Metternich and others connected with the Illuminati (such as the Hesse-Kassel family). I will start reading it soon, and probably use some of the info when I post part two of this Illuminati research. ˆ (From:


The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) was born as an American offshoot of Cecil Rhodes's British Round Table. Its roster has included most of the presidents and secretaries of state for the last six decades. Henry Kissinger was inducted as a young academic and the CFR published his breakthrough book, Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, in which Kissinger originated the idea of "winnable" nuclear war. (From:


From: Terrorism and the Illuminati by David Livingstone

The Trails of Henry Kissinger


The Trails of Henry Kissinger

See video
Click on Picture or links for Video at Site

The Trails of Henry Kissinger


The 1001 Club - Incomplete Membership List

1001 Club
Incomplete Membership List

from ExposureOfHiddenInstitutions Website

Kissinger, Heinz "Henry " Alfred

Henry Kissinger was born in the Bavarian city of Fuerth. He was a son of Louis and Paula Stern Kissinger. The elder Kissinger was a school teacher and after Hitler's rise to power, the family immigrated to London in 1938. After a short stay, they moved to Washington Heights in New York City. Recruited by Fritz Kraemer during WWII. Served in the U.S. Army Counter Intelligence Corps 1943-1946. Captain in the Military Intelligence Reserve 1946-1949. Executive director Harvard International Seminar 1951-1969. Consultant to the Operations Research Office 1950-1961, a John Hopkins University think tank about psychological warfare and under contract to the Department of the Army. Director Psychological Strategy Board 1952. Member of the Department of Government, Center for International Affairs, Harvard University, 1954-1969. Consultant Operations Coordinating Board 1955. Study director of nuclear weapons and foreign policy at the Council on Foreign Relations 1955-1956. Director Special Studies Project for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund 1956-1958. Author of 'Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy', released in 1957. Consultant Weapons Systems Evaluation Group of the Joint Chiefs of Staff 1959-1960. Consultant National Security Council 1961-1962. Consultant RAND Corporation 1961-1968. Consultant United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency 1961-1968. Consultant to the Department of State 1965-1968. Nixon's National Security Advisor 1969-1973. Secretary of State 1973-1977. Made two secret trips to China in 1971 to confer with Premier Zhou Enlai. Negotiated the SALT I and ABM treaty with the Soviet Union. Awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1973. Made other secret trips to China in later years to make extremely sensitive intelligence exchanges. Robert C. McFarlane was among those who went to China with Kissinger, in his case between 1973 and 1976. Negotiated the end of the Yom Kippur War in 1973. Said to have played a role in the 1973 Augusto Pinochet coup. Approved President Suharto's invasion of East-Timor in 1973, which resulted in a bout 250,000 dead communists and socialists.

Suspected of having been involved in Operation Condor which started around 1975 and was an assassination and intelligence gathering operation on 3 continents. Director Council on Foreign Relations 1977-1981. Annual visitor of Bilderberg since at least the 1970s. Annual visitor of the Trilateral Commission since the late 1970s. Visited Le Cercle. Member of the 1001 Club and the Pilgrims Society. Visitor of Bohemian Grove camp Mandalay. Founder of Kissinger Associates in 1982, a secretive consulting firm to international corporations. Some of the first members to join Kissinger Associates were Brent Scowcroft (vice-chairman), Lawrence Eagleburger (president), Lord Carrington, Lord Roll of Ipsden, Pehr Gyllenhammar, and Viscount Etienne Davignon. Some served until 1989, others were still active for Kissinger Associates in the late 1990s. Chairman National Bipartisan Commission on Central America 1983-1984. Appointed chairman of AIG's advisory council in 1987. Director of the Atlanta branch of the Italian Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL) from 1985 to 1991. This was during the 1989 BNL Affair in which it became known that the Atlanta branch had made $4 billion in unreported loans to Iraq. After the revelation, the money was said to be used by the Iraqis to buy food and agriculture equipment, but in reality they were buying loads of military equipment. Founded the America-China Society in 1987, mainly with co-Pilgrims Society member Cyrus Vance. His aide Robert C. McFarlane also played a role. Member Atlantic Council of the United States. Member of the Council of Advisors of the United States-Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce. Trustee of the Center Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), the Arthur F Burns Fellowship, the Institute of International Education, and the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Honorary Governor of the Foreign Policy Association. Patron of the Atlantic Partnership and the New Atlantic Initiative. Chairman of the Eisenhower Exchange Fellowships, the Nixon Center, and the American Academy in Berlin. Co-chairman of the Editorial Board of 'The National Interest' magazine. Chancellor of the College William and Mary. Honorary chairman World Cup USA 1994 (Kissinger has attended football matches with his friend and colleague Etienne Davignon). Named Honorary Knight Commander of St. Michael and St. George, 1995. Director Freeport-McMoRan 1995-2001. Director of Conrad Black's Hollinger International Inc. Member of J.P. Morgan's International Advisory Council. Former member of the Advisory Council of Forstmann Little & Co. and American Express. Advisor to China National Offshore Oil Corp (CNOOC). Member of the Europe Strategy Board of Hicks, Muse, Tate & Furst. Director of Gulfstream Aerospace Corporation and Revlon. Chairman of the International Advisory Board of the American International Group (AIG), a partner of Kissinger Associates. Also chairman of the Advisory Boards of AIG Asian Infrastructure Funds I & II and a director of AIG Global. In 2000 Henry Kissinger was quoted by Business Wire: "Hank Greenberg, Pete Peterson and I have been close friends and business associates for decades." Maurice Greenburg is head of AIG and Peter G. Peterson is head of The Blackstone Group, which is the other major partner of Kissinger Associates. Peterson is also a former chairman of Lehman Brothers. Kissinger is a friend of Lynn Forester and introduced her to Sir Evelyn de Rothschild at the 1998 Bilderberg conference. They would soon become married. When Henry Kissinger is invited to speak at the United Nations Association on April 11, 2001 Lord Jacob Rothschild is flanking his side. Picked as the initial head of the 9/11 investigating committee in 2003, although he turned out to be too controversial to remain in that position. Henry Kissinger is a trustee of the Open Russia Foundation since 2001, together with Lord Jacob Rothschild. The Foundation was set up by Mikhail Khodorkovsky, a controversial oligarch, later locked up by Putin. Honorary trustee of the Aspen Institute. Because of previous international attempts by European and South American judges to question him, he is known to take legal advice before traveling to certain countries in either continent.


Saturday, 20 August 2011

We have been here before...

Synchronicity in pre-planned world events. Shades of the Cuban Missile Crisis.

Project 1144.2 Orlan
Kirov class
Guided Missile Cruiser (Nuclear Powered)

The Russian Navy confirmed on 09 September 2008 that a fleet of warships belonging to the Russian Northern Fleet was preparing to cross the Atlantic Ocean and head for the Caribbean. Washington immediately responded by mocking the Russian move, which is widely considered a response to NATO's increased naval presence in the Black Sea. U.S. State Department spokesman Sean McCormack jokingly said that if Russia really intended to send ships to the Caribbean, "then they found a few ships that can make it that far."

The squadron, led by the Northern Fleet's flagship nuclear-powered Kirov-class battlecruiser Pyotr Veliky (named after Peter the Great, Czar Peter I of Russia) - one of the world's largest heavily-armed nuclear-powered guided missile cruisers - will participate with the Venezuelan fleet in the Caribbean naval exercise in November 2008. During the joint exercises, the Russian navy is expected to deploy Moscow's most modern destroyer, the Udaloy-class Admiral Chabanenko anti-submarine destroyer, a rescue vessel and a tanker ship. This will be Russia's first maneuver in the US backyard in nearly 20 years. The naval exercise will be conducted in Venezuelan waters between the 10th and 14th of November. The Russian and Venezuelan Navy will together perform dry runs of relief operations and test their tactical communication systems.

The official Russian governmental news service Russia Today stated that "The fact that the Russian cruiser was not designed as an instrument of attack, but instead for nuclear containment and defending nuclear submarines, this exercise looks more like an invitation to a dialogue with America rather than a military threat. Moreover, the fact that the American presidential campaign has entered its final stage, it is expected that both candidates Barack Obama and John McCain are going to exploit this naval exercise to their own benefit, verbalizing on the "return of the Russian threat". This rhetoric may become the decisive factor for one of them to make the White House his home for the next four years."

Russia announced in 2007 that its Navy had resumed, and would build up, its constant presence in different regions of the world's oceans. A naval task force from Russia's Northern Fleet, consisting of the Admiral Kuznetsov aircraft carrier, the Udaloy-Class destroyers Admiral Levchenko and Admiral Chabanenko, as well as auxiliary vessels, conducted from December 2007 to February 2008 a two-month tour of duty in the Mediterranean Sea and North Atlantic.

The Russian Kirov Class Heavy Missile Cruise Ship are the world's largest 'cruisers' and might best be termed "battle cruisers&quot. Originally designed as a large antisubmarine warship to search for and engage enemy ballistic missile submarines, the Kirov's role was expanded to engage large surface targets and provide air and antisubmarine protection to naval forces after the introduction of the Granit antiship missile system. There are substantial differences in the equipment of each unit of this class.

The ship is armed with the Granit long range anti-ship missile system, known in the West as the Shipwreck missile. Twenty Granit antiship missiles are installed under the upper deck, mounted at a 60 degree elevation. The long-range missiles cannot be controlled once launched, but do have a multivariant target engagement program. When ripple-fired the missiles share information while in-flight. The lead missile assumes a high-level flight trajectory enabling it to increase its target acquisition capacity, while the other missiles follow at a lower level. If the lead missile is destroyed, one of the other missiles will automatically assume the lead role.

An S-300F Air Defence Missile Complex is installed on the ship, with 12 launchers and 96 vertical launch air defence missiles. The S-300F is capable of engaging both air and surface targets. The ship has two Osa-Ma double launchers and 40 air defence missiles. The ship is also fitted with a 130 mm AK-130 multipurpose two barrel gun. The ship's 30 mm artillery system is the AK-630 used to engage airborne targets including sea skimming anti-ship missiles, small sea vessels, floating mines and light armoured land based targets. The ship accommodates three Kamov Ka-27PL or Ka-25RT helicopters. The ship has ten missile or torpedo tubes with 20 Vodopad-NK anti-submarine missiles or torpedoes. The ship has two anti-submarine and anti-torpedo rocket systems, the Udav-1 with 40 anti-submarine rockets and the RBU-1000. The ship has two RBU-1000 six-tube anti-submarine rocket launchers, with 102 rockets.

The ship's propulsion system is based on a combination of nuclear power and steam turbine, with two [four according to some sources] nuclear reactors and two auxiliary boilers. The propulsion system provides a full speed of 31 knots. When operating on the auxiliary boilers the ship's speed is 14 knots and the ship has an endurance of 60 days. The selection of the machinery was determined by the role of the cruiser and its assigned missions. The automated main nuclear machinery comprises two reactors (to produce steam for operation), two main geared-turbine units developing 70,000 hp each (to ensure full cruiser speed of at least 30 knots) and two stand-by steam boilers of 115 t/h capacity. The stand-by steam boilers provide for development of 17 knots with nuclear reactors shut-off and ensure an operation range of up to 1,000 miles with shipborne fuel. The main machinery is arranged in three compartments: one compartment houses two nuclear reactors, the two others house geared-turbine units and steam boilers, respectively.

Further Reading:

  • Project 1144.2 Kirov Battlecruiser

  • Project 1144 Orlan - History
  • Project 1144.2 Kirov - Specifications
  • Project 1144.2 Kirov - Units
  • Project 1144.2 Kirov - Ship List
  • Project 1144 Orlan - Schematics
  • Project 1144.2 Kirov - Schematics
  • Project 1144.2 Kirov - Pictures
  • Project 1144.2 Kirov - References

    Reference -

    Segment 2 Of 2 Previous Hearing Segment(1)

     Page 5       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    House of Representatives,

    Committee on National Security,

    Military Research and Development Subcommittee,

    Washington, DC, Tuesday, August 4, 1998.

    The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10:10 a.m., in room 2118, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Curt Weldon (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.


    Mr. WELDON. The subcommittee will come to order. May I ask everyone to be seated so that we can begin the hearings and bring in our witness.

    This morning the Military Research and Development Subcommittee meets in open session to receive testimony from Col. Stanislav Lunev, formerly of the GRU. Colonel Lunev has written a book, Through the Eyes of the Enemy, which makes some startling allegations about ongoing Russian preparations for war with the United States.

     Page 6       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  
    According to Colonel Lunev, Moscow continues to perfect war plans that would assassinate U.S. political and military leaders and sabotage key targets in the United States by using small man-portable nuclear weapons. I should note that Colonel Lunev is a protected witness, and so special arrangements have been made at the hearings today to conceal his identity and provide for his physical security. I would ask members of the audience and the press to please cooperate and refrain from photographing Colonel Lunev's face, should, through some mishap, an opportunity for such a photograph accidentally arise.

    Also, audience and press, please respect the arrangements for Colonel Lunev's physical security by refraining from attempting to approach or interview Colonel Lunev in this forum.

    Finally, because Colonel Lunev is recuperating from an illness, these proceedings may on occasion have to be interrupted to accommodate his needs.

    I should also note that sitting in the witness box with Colonel Lunev today is his coauthor, Ira Winkler, who is not himself a witness today. Mr. Winkler has consented to be available to Colonel Lunev to clarify and help him better understand our questions should that be necessary, even though Colonel Lunev speaks English.

    Before we proceed to hear from our witness, allow me to provide some background information and make some observations that I hope our members and audience may find useful. With that, I would ask staff—good, Colonel Lunev is coming in. Welcome Stan, it is a pleasure to have you here today.

     Page 7       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  
    Colonel LUNEV. Thank you.

    Mr. WELDON. Why this hearing and why the R&D subcommittee?

    Our subcommittee is charged with the responsibility of determining what systems this country should be developing to meet the emerging threats that we see arising around the world. And over the past 4 years, we have gone to extensive lengths to make sure that every one of our subcommittee members is totally versed not just on the systems but on the threats, using every available resource that we can find from the Central Intelligence Agency [CIA] and Defense Intelligence Agency [DIA], from the intelligence agencies of the National Security Agency [NSA] and Department of Energy [DOE]. We have reached out to our direct witnesses from time to time to give us this information. In fact, we have had well over 100 hearings, briefings, and classified sessions with members of this subcommittee on the threats that we see emerging.

    It was this subcommittee that first criticized NIE 9519 and said that perhaps the threats—that the assessment by the CIA was overly optimistic. Just 2 weeks ago, we heard the Rumsfeld Commission come out and verify the findings that this subcommittee came to the conclusions of 3 years ago.

    It was this subcommittee last year who talked of the need, in a bipartisan way as we always do, to deal with the emerging Iranian threats that they obtained in cooperation with Russia on a medium-range missile. As recently as February 5 of this year, Deputy Secretary of Defense John Hamre wrote to me as chairman of this subcommittee and said, and I quote, in writing, ''Don't worry, under the worst case scenario, the Iranian medium-range missile will not surface until mid-1999.''
     Page 8       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    It was this subcommittee, because of our extensive work and understanding of threats, that moved legislation that became law that plussed up funding by $170 million this year to deal with those emerging medium-range missile threats of Iran.

    It was this subcommittee who reached out to Gen. Aleksandr Lebed and had him testify on the issue of small atomic demolition munitions when the Russian Government was denying there was a problem, denying they even existed, and criticizing General Lebed during the summer and fall, saying he didn't know what he was talking about and was a traitor.

    It was this subcommittee that had academician and scientist Aleksey Yablokov come before us last October and verify the comments of General Lebed about small atomic demolitions. And because of the testimony that Aleksey Yablokov brought before this subcommittee, he was called a traitor in Russia. He was called a violator of the motherland when he went back to Moscow.

    But in the end, as has been the case with this subcommittee in every instance, Aleksey Yablokov sued one of the major news outlets in Moscow, Novaya Gazeta, and sued them for slander because they called him a traitor. The first week of July of this year, Aleksey Yablokov sent me a cable. He won his lawsuit, was awarded 30,000 rubles by the court system in Russia, and the newspaper that he charged with slander was told to issue a public apology to him by September 9.

    But the problem there was this administration was going along with the Russian Government in denying the potential threat of the small atomic demolitions. It was this subcommittee who pursued those allegations and will pursue them again in more detail today.
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    Our goal here is not to embarrass anyone and it is not to embarrass Russia. As most of you know, we, on this subcommittee, work aggressively to stabilize Russia. We work to make sure that they have a housing mortgage finance system, as I am currently proposing to both the leadership in the Congress and the administration. We have been out front on cooperation in the energy area to help the Russian Parliament pass the production-sharing agreements that they have passed and the law which has allowed for Sakhalin 1, 2, and 3.

    We have been working with the Russian Government on economic cooperation to build a more solid economic base. But there are questions that need to be asked, there are facts that need to be dealt with; because, as this administration says most frequently, I would say all is not well all the time in Russia.

    In fact, just 2 weeks ago I had some of the saddest news I have ever had from that country, when one of my good friends, who has met with myself and members of this subcommittee on several occasions, chairman of the Duma Defense Committee Lev Rokhlin was assassinated in his home, in his bed on July 3, with a gunshot in his head at point blank range.

    And let me say at the outset, Mr. Pickett, myself, and members of this subcommittee, have met with Mr. Rokhlin on

    Last summer, because Lev Rokhlin, one of the most distinguished retired Russian generals, was dissatisfied because Russian soldiers were not being paid their salaries and their pensions, publicly called for the impeachment of Boris Yeltsin; and for that, obviously because he was of Yeltsin's party, was publicly criticized. For 6 months there was an attempt made to remove Lev Rokhlin from his chairmanship of the Duma Defense Committee, our counterpart, and for 6 months he resisted.
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    To give you some idea of the stature of Lev Rokhlin, he was awarded the highest medal Russia now awards to its soldiers, the Hero of Russia Medal. He refused to accept that medal from Pavel Grachev, who was the Defense Minister at the time, because he thought Pavel Grachev was not an honorable man, so he refused to accept the award from him.

    This general, this chairman of the Duma Defense Committee, publicly criticizing Boris Yeltsin and calling for his impeachment because of his lack of support for soldiers, ordinary military personnel, was found dead in his bed. His wife the next day admitted that she killed her husband in a fit of rage. But then the stories started to unfold. Lev Rokhlin's daughter and his son-in-law said that was not the case, that three people had, in fact, entered Lev Rokhlin's apartment, had assassinated him, and had told his wife if she did not, in fact, take the responsibility for the assassination, she and her entire family would be killed.

    Mysteriously, three bodies were found in the vicinity of Lev Rokhlin's apartment in the days following that assassination. They did not have identification and their bodies were, in fact, burned.

    In fact, Lev Rokhlin's lawyer who has worked with him publicly has said that there was an assassination attempt on his life the same night that Lev Rokhlin was assassinated.

    When Lev Rokhlin's funeral was held in Moscow following the July 3 assassination, 10,000 Russian people came out in Moscow to pay tribute to him, former chairman of the Duma Defense Committee. Their government maintains that he was killed by his wife to this day, and unfortunately, our government and the agencies I have met with say they have no reason to doubt that.
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    Over the past weeks I have had meetings with two senior Russian officials who are friends of mine, who will remain anonymous. Each of them in separate sessions has said that there is no doubt in their minds that Lev Rokhlin was assassinated and he was not assassinated by his wife.

    This story points up the fact that in dealing with Russia, we need to understand the mindset. We need to understand what is happening. Not to embarrass the country, but to understand that to deal with Russia, to deal with issues of arms control and treaty compliance, to deal with issues of proliferation and economic cooperation, Russia must understand that we are going to be candid and that we are going to be honest.

    Col. Stanislav Lunev is the highest ranking GRU officer ever to defect to the United States. The GRU is Russia's premier military intelligence organization that serves the General Staff and is larger than the intelligence organizations of all the United States military services combined.

    The GRU elite Special Forces, the SPETSNAZ, will conduct assassinations and sabotage operations behind enemy lines in wartimes through the use of atomic demolition munitions, or ADM's, or SADM's, small atomic demolition munitions. These are small nuclear weapons that can fit into a knapsack or a briefcase or suitcase and are designed to be delivered and detonated by one or two people. Although Colonel Lunev was not himself a member of SPETSNAZ, as a GRU intelligence officer operating in the United States, part of his job was to support Russian military planning for SPETSNAZ nuclear operations against the United States.

     Page 12       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  
    Colonel Lunev served the GRU in this capacity, contributing to Russian plans to assassinate President Clinton and other United States military leaders and collecting other intelligence to support Russian war plans, until 1992 when he switched sides. Since 1992, Colonel Lunev has served as consultant on intelligence matters to the FBI and the CIA.

    The most significant part of Colonel Lunev's testimony, in my opinion, is his allegation that the Russian military and intelligence services still regard the United States as the enemy. And as this subcommittee knows, we have put into place the 26-page Surikov document, which is an internal Russian advisory document which also says that ultimately the United States will be Russia's long-term enemy, considers a war with the United States as likely and even inevitable, and are actively planning for a third world war.

    According to Colonel Lunev, so seriously does the Russian military regard the possibility of war with the United States, that nuclear suitcase bombs may already be prepositioned somewhere in the vicinity of Washington or New York. Given the shocking possibility that Russian nuclear suitcase bombs may even now be smuggled into the United States, I hope the administration reverses its neglect of the experimental wide area tracking system [WATS] being developed by Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. In a hearing before this subcommittee on nuclear terrorism and countermeasures held on October 1, 1997, the WATS system was profiled in the hope of promoting its development. WATS currently offers the only technology under development capable of detecting a nuclear weapon being smuggled into the United States.

    Ironically, after the WATS presentation was warmly received by the R&D Subcommittee, the administration cut WATS funding to a subsistence level and reorganized the program in ways deleterious to its development. I cannot understand how the administration, which has often objected to national missile defenses on grounds that nuclear terrorism poses a bigger threat, can then neglect the only technology that offers any hope of defense against nuclear terrorism. What is the justification for keeping America defenseless against both nuclear missiles and nuclear terrorists? I have come to expect inconsistency and wishful thinking, unfortunately, from the administration.
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    Colonel Lunev's description of the dire threat perceptions of the Russian military and the GRU contrast sharply with the administration's comforting assurances that the United States and Russia are now strategic partners and no longer regard each other as threats. And yet, unfortunately, I am not surprised again.

    While I am no longer surprised when the evidence flatly contradicts the President and the benign interpretation of the threats we face, whether those threats are from proliferating nuclear weapons, proliferating missiles or from a still hostile Russian military, perhaps it is because in May 1997, a group of us met with General Lebed in Moscow and were disclosed the facts by him of the existence of these small demolition devices and the fact that as many as 80 were not able to be accounted for.

    The Russian Government denied, as I said earlier, the existence of these devices and denied Lebed's accuracy and his capability to even know anything about this until a face-to-face meeting with General Sergeyev, the Defense Minister, in Moscow last year, allowed him to admit directly to my face that they built the devices, they had them, but they would destroy them by the year 2000.

    And now we have before us a former GRU officer whose job was to support delivery of nuclear suitcase bombs to the United States, including for the purpose of assassinating our President. So much for the denial of the threat by the Russian Government and by some in our own administration.

    Perhaps my skepticism also comes from what I just mentioned as NIE 9519 and the blanket promise that there would be no threat to the United States for 15 years. And now all of a sudden we are seeing everyone backpedaling, saying that it is perhaps as soon as 4 to 8 years we will see an emerging long-range threat that we are not prepared to handle. That is two times that we have situations where the
     Page 14       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    So our concern is, are we misreading Russia today? Do we fully understand what is happening in Russia? Are we aware that, in fact, the instability in Russia could cause enhanced threats to our country that we need to be prepared for?

    Make no mistake about it, the positions of the President and his top policy advisor, Strobe Talbott, on Russia are identical to mine and I would say probably everyone on this subcommittee: to see Russia emerge as a stable, long-term democracy with a free, capitalist system. So the end result is not in question. It is whether or not along the way we are going to be realistic in what is happening in that country and deal with it, or whether or not we are going to deny the threats that we see emerging.

    In hearings that we held in March 1997, in briefings that members of this subcommittee have had, namely Silver Bullets, and in several other briefings and hearings, we found that Russia continues large-scale investment of scarce resources preparing for a nuclear war with this country. Russia continues to modernize its strategic offensive forces. Russia is constructing new deep underground facilities at places like Yamantau Mountain that are designed to survive a nuclear war.

    We have raised this issue with every Russian leader we have met with from Kokoshin to Mikailov when he was Minister of Atomic Energy, to the Minister of Interior, Orlov, to a 3-page letter that I wrote to Yeltsin himself to which we have received no response. We know nothing about Yamantau Mountain and we have no transparency as to what is going on at that site.

    Russia is training its troops in a new military doctrine that emphasizes striking first with nuclear weapons under a broad range of scenarios. Moscow pursues these military operations while in the throes of a severe economic crisis that impairs the stability of society and the very existence of the Government. Colonel Lunev, I am sure, will tell us more about the Russian threat perceptions that are driving these preparations for a possible war.
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    Again, I do not view Russia through rose-colored glasses as a healthy nation that is merely undergoing some growing pains as it makes its twin transitions to democracy and market capitalism. On the other hand, nor do I view Russia as an unreconstructed threat, the Russian bear in the midst of a long hibernation which one day will soon reemerge.

    Put simply, the goal of this series of hearings has been and is to develop an accurate assessment of the political, military, and economic situation in Russia. And today's hearing is one piece in that process.

    Colonel Lunev, we welcome you here today and we thank you for being here. Before I turn the floor over to you, I want to call on Mr. Pickett, the ranking Democrat on the R&D Subcommittee, respectfully for his opening comments.


    Mr. PICKETT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I, too, am looking forward to hearing the testimony from our witness today. I understand Colonel Lunev will share with us his belief that Russian military service and intelligence personnel still regard the United States as the enemy, consider war between our two nations as inevitable, and that they are actively planning for a World War III.

    Apparently, so convinced is Colonel Lunev of these assertions that he suggests a small number of tactical suitcase-sized nuclear devices have already been prepositioned in the United States for future use, a practice he apparently claims is no different from the days of the cold war that existed between our Nation and the Soviet Union.
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    It is my hope that today's hearing will help us better understand these events. I hope today's testimony will help shed light on several issues, and I would ask our witness to address several matters to the best of his ability.

    Colonel Lunev, first, please help us understand why you seem to be the lone voice claiming that such clandestine activities occurred during the cold war. And could you also explain why American counterespionage agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation have still not discovered any evidence to corroborate your assertion that such activities, such as that of placing nuclear devices in this country, occurred either during the height of the cold war or since?

    And second, Colonel Lunev, for the sake of argument, please help us understand the proposed decisionmaking process of national leaders that would contemplate and possibly risk the unattended placement of nuclear detonation devices in a foreign country such as the United States, particularly in view of the fact that the likely technological limitations of this munition type would require servicing and perhaps replacement within a period of only a few months. Is this the type of deployment a logical or rational decision would call for? And exactly what goals are sought to be achieved with this kind of a deployment? And unattended or not, wouldn't the servicing requirements associated with these kinds of devices betray their existence and location?

    And third, again for the sake of argument and assuming your claims, at least, were once true, explain to us how you have concluded that such activities and planning are still central to Russian leadership decisionmaking, given the fact that your defection to the United States occurred just shortly after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1992, some 6 years ago, and presumably since then you have had no official contact with your former colleagues. Can you explain how you have firsthand knowledge of current operational planning of Russian security forces?
     Page 17       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    And, finally, please help us better understand your characterization of Russia as an aggressor nation and contrast that with what we currently know about the place that you once lived: that, among other things, economic strife exists, that social and political turmoil abounds, that the financial underpinnings of the Russian military have grown so weak as to threaten its complete and overall collapse.

    As you may already know, Russian specialist Stewart Goldman claims the Yeltsin regime has taken better care of internal security forces than they have of the army, and has apparently concluded that to the extent that it faces a security threat, it is more an internal than an external threat.

    In view of this, together with preliminary reports suggesting the Russian defense budget alone, top line next year, may be set as low as 60 billion rubles, or roughly $10 billion, is it credible to assume that Russian security forces would be called on to initiate a direct offensive plan against American targets rather than remain focused on homeland defense and internal security?

    If your answer is ''yes'' to the former, then I hope you can help us better understand the thinking behind such a position of the country of Russia.

    Mr. Chairman, these are but a few of my concerns. I do not mean to take an antagonistic view of our witness, but I think in the interest of getting a complete picture of what is taking place, that our witness should provide these insights as he goes through his testimony today.
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    Again, I hope this will prove to be a productive session. I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the special effort you have exerted to get our witness here today and I look forward to the testimony of our witness today. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

    Mr. WELDON. Thank you, Mr. Pickett.

    And, Colonel Lunev, in introducing you finally, I am going to quote from your book. And I quote:

    To my mind, I am not a traitor. I was a loyal citizen of the Soviet Union, a country that was destroyed by traitors who dismembered the country for their own profit. The country I was sworn to defend no longer exists. The criminal regime that rules now is one that I will not serve.

    Welcome, colonel, and you may make whatever opening statement you would like to make.


    Colonel LUNEV. Thank you. So, good morning, ladies and gentlemen. I am really thank you for Chairman and for committee members for inviting me. It is a privilege to testify before this committee today on existing threats to the national security of the United States. I am grateful for the opportunity to explain to you my point of view as best I can, based on my lifelong experience working for the GRU, the Russian military intelligence agency, which absolutely are known in this country and may be known only for few specialities.
     Page 19       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    I am submitting a written record of my testimony; however, I anticipate going beyond my written testimony in response to your questions.

    Why it has happened, why I wrote this book? Because I decided to share my concern about Russia and the United States by this book we made with my coauthor, Ira Winkler, Through the Eyes of the Enemy. I decided to make this book when I had really big health problems and was diagnosed as a cancer patient. And I wrote this book to inform the United States about what the criminals have done to the country I loved and, of course, to earn some money to care for my family, because with my health conditions, I could not be assured in my future.

    Additionally, I know this book and information I already have provided to the American Government place my life in some kind of danger from Russian intelligence services. But however, if I am to be killed, it will only be in advance of the cancer. In other words, I have nothing to lose just now.

    And we already prepared our written testimony to you, ladies and gentlemen. And if somebody would be interested in response, you can read it, and we can discuss something—your questions a little bit later.

    So, I tried to keep myself away from this written testimony, and will try to begin to answer your questions. First of all, raised Mr. Pickett, because of what is going on just now in Russia, it is really difficult to say that events development in Russian Federation is predictable and everything is clear what is going on in Moscow, and let's say Moscow is not all Russia, it is only Moscow.
     Page 20       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Mr. Pickett asked me a question, very important question: How do I know about Russian intelligence activity in this country now, because I defected in 1992? Let's say that in my case, to say I am defector is not very good idea, but I accept this word because I simply did not return to country I lived before my whole life, because country I signed my oath for military service in 1963 didn't exist to the time of my defection. And actually, I couldn't provide anymore—to continue to provide anymore my very special services for government, which existence, legal existence is under really great suspension, and government which was penetrated by Russian organized crime groups, by Russian Mafia so deeply that it was possible a few years ago to say officially that Russian Federation just now is a criminal state.

    When I found in my military service in 1991, 1992, that results of my very special activity against this country are going not only to the Government but are going to Russian criminals, I decided to cancel my service for this Government and ask about possibility to stay in this country and to not return back.

    But from that time, I follow all events which are in place just now in Russian Federation. I have my own contacts with some people. And until now, I can say to you really openly and very firm that Russian intelligence activity against this country is much more active than it was in time of the former Soviet Union existence. And this activity just now is much more dangerous for this country than it was before.

    Why? Reasonable question, of course. You gentlemen—ladies and gentlemen, you are really experienced politicians. You have a lot of your own sources of information and, of course, you can accept my information or not. But I can tell you only one, that before the U.S.S.R. disintegration, we worked very hard trying to penetrate through this country national security secrets. And sometimes we were successful; sometimes no success. But this is spy business and the spy business nobody doesn't know who is winner and who is loser.
     Page 21       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    And our main business was to find real information about American military-political, military-industrial, and scientific research and development connected with military. Most important for the future development of American military machine for the future and how to use this information trying to improve Soviet military machine.

    But from 1996, so last 2 years, Russian intelligence community still involving in the same regular spy business in this country, plus additionally Russian spies just now here are conducting industrial espionage. You understand importance of this question for this country's national security, because regular spies, regular spies they don't care about information which is not connected with American national security system. But for the future development of this country, to penetrate through American economical, financial, industrial infrastructure, not connected with military now, it means to penetrate through American future and use results of all successes and all positive developments of this country for Russian military machine and for Russian organized crime groups.

    How it is possible that not only conventional but mass destruction weapons systems could be deployed in this country very well in advance for the future war possibility? And just now I know that I was a little bit right when I decided to write this book, because after this book was published, I do have a chance to give a lot of interviews to different people, and I found for myself that American public knows so little about Soviet Union and Russian Federation military plans against this country, that it surprised me. It really surprised me, because back to former Soviet Union, we had much more knowledge about what the main Soviet military potential adversary, or the enemy, was planned against the Soviet Union. And for me it was really a surprise that this stuff mentioned in my book grown so high interest between American public. But for us it was regular military practice. For us it was regular military job and we made every day during our spy activity against foreign countries. First of all, against the United States of America.
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    According Soviet military plans, very well in advance, maybe few months, maybe few weeks, of course, few hours before real war would be in place against this country, Russian Special Operations Forces need to come here and to pick up weapons systems, because they will fly here as tourists, businessmen. How can they get any kind of weapons system in this not very strong but enough effective security system in American airlines? So, they need to come here with clean hands, only with documents. Maybe some money, that is all. But according to their tasking, in few hours they need to physically destroy, eliminate American military chains of command, President, Supreme Commander in Chief, Vice President, Speaker of the House, military commanders, especially to cut head from American military chain of command. They need to destroy communications system in this country and grow panic and chaos in this country before real war would be in place.

    They need to destroy power stations and highly protected facilities which could not be destroyed by regular military nuclear missile strike. Only by this reason they need to be in this country well in advance to pick up weapons systems already stored in this country during peacetime but could be used during wartime.

    For direct question from Mr. Pickett about so-called nuclear briefcases, of course this is for public, but we name it officially portable nuclear tactical devices specially designed for Soviet special operation forces. And actually it is not a briefcase, because it would be very heavy briefcase, first of all. And all these briefcases, of course, with growing attention from everybody from outside of this operational group. But it will look like as your regular cooler you are taking with your family for picnic. If you play golf, you know this very big golf club bag, it
     Page 23       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Plus, let's say that in 1991, according to my information, former Soviet President say first and last President, Mikhail Gorbachev, by his Presidential decree canceled research and development connected with chemical and biological weapons because these types of weapons are strongly prohibited by very special international conventions. So, it is prohibited by international law. And really, I believe that it could be happened and Soviet Union wouldn't be involved anymore in the development of this very dangerous types of mass destruction weapons.

    But in the end of 1991, in 1992 and later, I receive a lot of information that research and development of chemical and biological weapons in Russian Federation are in place. Using so-called cover of dual use, of let's say pharmaceutical and chemical research and development, Russian Federation still developing this mass destruction weapons and making these weapons systems much more dangerous for the whole planet.

    So, according to these military plans, commanders will come here, will pick up this weapons system, and will fulfill their tasking.

    You asked me how it is possible that American counterintelligence community could not protect this country from these possible attacks. Additionally, I can tell you only one, that in this country you have excellent intelligence and you have excellent counterintelligence agencies. They are best in the world. But these people who actually sacrifice their life because they are fighting against any threat to the American national security, they do not have enough people, do not have enough money, and do not have enough possibilities to protect everything in this country. Yes, they try to prevent spy activity in this country.

     Page 24       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  
    But according to these reasons I already told you, foreign spies have plenty of windows in local counterintelligence and intelligence community activity and we use these windows with really good results, because they cannot protect everything in this country, and they cannot establish surveillance behind everybody who is inside hostile or other country's intelligence services which are operating here or have suspensions about these people.

    So, in our regular business, we demonstrated that we are legitimate people in this country and tried to find windows when we are out of surveillance and made our spy business exactly at that time when we were out of surveillance.

    So, I think that you can answer this question how to protect this country much better than me, because you have all information in your hands and you know how to use this information for the protection of your country and your country's national security.

    Using very short time you provided me for this testimony, I would like once more to say thank you very much for the invitation, and I think that our later conversations would be helpful.

    And I am really sorry, Mr. Chairman, what has happened with your friend, General Rokhlin, because he was really outstanding politician and military. I didn't—I didn't know him personally, but he was my schoolmate in Tashkent Military Academy, but three courses later than me. Thank you.

    [The prepared statement of Colonel Lunev can be found in the appendix on page 37.]
     Page 25       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Mr. WELDON. Thank you, Colonel Lunev, and I appreciate your comments about Deputy Rokhlin. Mr. Pickett and I have met with him; I guess you remember Lev. We met with him, at least, on two occasions. I met with him four times in this country and over there. And it is very troubling to me that in Russia there still could be the potential for the assassination of a high-level parliamentarian, and I am going to continue to pursue this.

    I have already written to Ambassador Vorontsov asking for a full response and I have written directly to Lev Rokhlin's daughter and son-in-law and the attorney working with them, and will continue to pursue this, along with other members of the Duma who quietly are as concerned about this as I am from all the factions, not just the NASHDOM faction, but all the factions. Because any time you can assassinate someone who is in a senior position because of what they say, you don't have a free democracy. And for us to deny that is only being very short sighted.

    I am going to start off by—you talked about the potential for nuclear devices and in your book—I am going to read this paragraph to you about how these devices, in fact, could be brought into the United States and then you can comment on this. In the book you say,

    It is surprisingly easy to smuggle nuclear weapons into the United States. A commonly used method is for a Russian airplane to fly across the ocean on a typical reconnaissance flight. The planes would be tracked by U.S. radar. That is not the problem. When there are no other aircraft in visual range, the Russian plane could launch a small high-tech stealth transport missile that could slip undetected into remote areas of the country. The missiles would then be retrieved by GRU operatives.
     Page 26       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Another way to get a weapon in the country is to have an oceanographic research submarine deliver the device, accompanied by GRU specialists, to a remote section of coastline.

    Nuclear devices can also be slipped across the Mexican or Canadian borders. It is easy to get a bomb to Cuba, and from there to transport it to Mexico. Usually, the devices are carried by Russian intelligence officers or trusted agents.

    So you have given us three devices. I know in the conversations I have had with you, you knew of no specific case where that had happened. Your job was, rather, to plan for that and as an agent to help identify potential sites where these devices could, in fact, be deposited. Is that correct?

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes. Yes, Mr. Chairman; because in our regular business, we need to provide all possible support for the future activity of special operation forces inside this country. We need to plan these operations, how to deliver these nuclear weapons and other weapons systems to this country. We were responsible for finding places for storages of these weapons systems. We were responsible for providing of all additional support operation, let's say to buy clothes for special operation forces, soldiers, and enlisted officers, to provide them packages of documents, credit cards, let's say clean money which will not be registered.

    So, we made a lot of business for the support of these people and how to smuggle these weapons to this country. We stay on position that for American public, it would be really very interesting to know that it is possible to deliver it by air, by sea. But most simple way how to do it is the same way as every day metric tons of drugs are coming to this country illegally through the ground borders with nearest neighbors of this country, by speedboats, by people, by cars, by small airplanes.
     Page 27       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    So, you know how drugs are coming into this country. It is absolutely the same way. But if it would be difficult, yes, it could be possible to use stealth technology for air delivery or by sea.

    And, of course, when these weapons system would be delivered to the United States, GRU trusted people, agents, and illegals as a most effective intelligence officers, they will take care and will deliver this weapons system to the

    Of course, I cannot pretend to say that there are no places of nuclear or other mass destruction weapon system storages. No; I cannot say so. But it is possible that these devices were stored in this area, and if it would be necessary, these commanders which will come here as tourists or businessmen with empty pockets, without any problem will rent a car in Dulles International Airport, will drive to this place, pick up this weapons, communication devices, money, documents, everything, and in a few seconds they will leave their image of tourists and will become soldiers. Soldiers ready to fight.

    They will take this weapons system to places of its future operational use, as I already said, to destroy mostly highly protected facilities and people in this country which could not be destroyed by regular missile and nuclear strike.

    Mr. WELDON. Colonel, how long were you in the GRU?

    Colonel LUNEV. About 20 years—20 years. And before, I was in regular military service.
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    Mr. WELDON. When you were in the GRU, in your book you say you were assigned to both China and the United States. How many years were you an agent in China?

    Colonel LUNEV. Exactly 3 1/2 years I was in China.

    Mr. WELDON. And you speak Chinese?

    Colonel LUNEV. I forget to ask you for sorry about my English, but English is my third language.

    Mr. WELDON. How long were you stationed in the United States as an agent? How many years were you stationed in Washington as an agent?

    Colonel LUNEV. Three-and-a-half years.

    Mr. WELDON. In Washington?

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes, from 1988 to the beginning of 1992.

    Mr. WELDON. And your cover when you were here was you were?

    Colonel LUNEV. I was undercover these professional years as TASS News Agency correspondent.

     Page 29       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  
    Mr. WELDON. In your book I think you mentioned that a percentage of correspondents at that time, and perhaps even today, were agents. What is that approximate percentage?

    Colonel LUNEV. In general, this percentage was established by special top secret Communist spy politburo decision in 1958, and was confirmed by President Yeltsin in the beginning of 1992. According to this very special orders and decrees, 33 percent from all Soviet and just now Russian official representatives in foreign countries—I mean in the United States, first of all—belong to the former KGB; 33 percent to the GRU; and 33 percent we name them ''clean people.''

    Mr. WELDON. So approximately 66 to 67 percent——

    Colonel LUNEV. Intelligence personnel.

    Mr. WELDON [continuing]. Were correspondents, were actually working for one of the security agencies, either the KGB or GRU?

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes, sir.

    Mr. WELDON. Do you think that has changed in the current times in terms of today?

    Colonel LUNEV. If President Yeltsin confirmed this percentage by his special decree in the beginning of 1992, I think it is the same way, because I never heard that he changed his position.
     Page 30       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Mr. WELDON. Just two historical questions, then I will turn it over to my colleagues. I know they have a ton of questions. One is in your book you mention, and this is not a new fact to us, the GRU and the KGB helped fund, and I quote you, ''just about every antiwar movement and organization in America and abroad.''

    You were involved with them during this time period. You go on to say,

    Funding was provided via undercover operatives or front organizations. These would fund another group that would in turn fund student organizations. The GRU also helped Vietnam organize its propaganda campaign a whole. What would be a great surprise to the American people is that the GRU and KGB had a larger budget for antiwar propaganda in the United States. than it did for the economic and military support of the Vietnamese. The antiwar propaganda cost the GRU more than 1 billion U.S. dollars. But its history shows it was a hugely successful campaign and well worth the cost. The antiwar sentiment created an incredible momentum that greatly weakened the U.S. military.

    Was that part of your responsibility?

    Colonel LUNEV. It was a responsibility of my former agency. Of course, not mine, because in time of Vietnam war, I was in the regular military service and I had only one secondhand connection with this war when I was invited from regular military SPETSNAZ to special operation forces and with possibility to be sent to Vietnam.

    So, I heard this information from my own sources inside GRU, and I was really surprised that it is unknown for American public because for us it was well known. And let's say that GRU was proud, GRU commanders were proud for their victory in the Vietnam war because they used military support to Vietnamese and very huge financial support for antiwar campaigns in this country.
     Page 31       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    And I know that this question is very painful for America, for American people, because the Vietnam war is very difficult to forget. But you know that it is not American military who lost this war because this war was finished from here, not in Vietnam battlefield.

    Mr. WELDON. A followup question and my final question is something you did have knowledge about directly and also I think potentially is a change in the way we look at history, and that is the entire truth about the Caribbean crisis or what we call the Cuban missile crisis. And I will quote you again. ''My own information about the crisis came later when I was in the GRU Training Academy where I made a full analysis of the operation code named ANADYIR.''

    Colonel LUNEV. ANADYIR.

    Mr. WELDON. ''There was much more of the Caribbean crisis than ever came out publicly, even in the Soviet Union.'' And you go through and talk about 42,000 Soviet troops being placed in Cuba and how Khrushchev himself was involved in a disinformation campaign.

    But then here is what I really want you to get at because there have been reports of this, but now we have someone who did an actual internal Soviet study of this and I want you to comment on this. Quote, ''By Soviet general staff estimates, Operation ANADYIR was successful.'' Was successful?

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes, sir.
     Page 32       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Mr. WELDON. The Cuban missile crisis. ''There was no American attack, but more important after the Soviet missiles were returned to the U.S.S.R., American nuclear weapons were secretly removed from Turkey.''

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes, sir.

    Mr. WELDON. ''These latter weapons could cover the entire European forces of the Soviet Union and presented a grave threat. Kennedy was allowed to keep the removal a secret so that he could save face.''

    Is that the results of your internal investigation of that situation, that the Cuban missile crisis really wasn't the big showdown that we have been led to believe in this country?

    Colonel LUNEV. Actually, Mr. Chairman, this operation, code name ANADYIR, it was one of the largest, after World War II military environment, so-called disinformation and camouflage operation. And it was designed specially to force the United States to remove American nuclear missiles from Turkey, which were very close to former Soviet Union.

    And the result of this operation was recognized

    Mr. WELDON. I don't know that we all agree with that assessment, but certainly it is good for us to, at least, understand the way the Soviets interpret the Cuban missile crisis. The key question would be whether or not the United States nuclear missiles were removed from Turkey. I don't know the answer to that today, but we appreciate the insight.
     Page 33       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Mr. Pickett.

    Mr. PICKETT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will try to be brief. Colonel Lunev, is it your statement to us today that the Russian Government presently has explosive devices stored in the United States?

    Colonel LUNEV. Stolen?

    Mr. PICKETT. Stored here. Placed here. Lodged here. Stored here.

    Colonel LUNEV. I never said that they are here. I said it is possible that these devices are here, because they are not inside Russia.

    Mr. PICKETT. And you mentioned in your written remarks that in your view, the Mafia, or, I suppose, organized crime, is in control of the government in Russia at the present time?

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes, sir. But I need to explain that Russian Mafia is very different from well-known other Mafias. Well-known Sicilian Mafia. Italian Government tries to fight against this Mafia and from time to time successfully. Colombian Mafia. It is not Colombian Mafia. It is not Mexican Mafia. It is not Japanese or Chinese Mafia. It is very special Mafia, because this Mafia appeared as a Mafia in eighties, and includes not only traditional criminals but corrupted Communist Party top-level officials, government members, law enforcement agency leaders and representatives.
     Page 34       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    So, this is mixture between politicians, criminals, representatives of law enforcement agencies, which are establishing their position against law, and illegally. So, it is actually a different Mafia. And of course this Mafia, they do have their own people inside government and inside Parliament.

    Only one example: You know how long Russian Parliament tried to adopt law for fighting against organized crime in Russia? When it was finally approved, law enforcement agencies didn't have any tool to fight against organized crime because this law didn't include most important points which are necessary for fighting against organized crime groups in Russia.

    Mr. PICKETT. Does this organized crime group consist of simply one single organization or is it several or many organizations?

    Colonel LUNEV. According to estimations, just now there are about 6,000 organized crime groups in Russia. But only about 300 of them could be recognized as Mafia-type criminal syndicates which control banks, joint ventures, private companies, together with traditional criminal business, money laundering, racketeering, extortion of money, prostitution and drug trafficking. According to Russian estimation, about 80 percent of all Russian private businesses are in hands of Russian Mafia. In Moscow and St. Petersburg, this percentage is much higher.

    And these people who are inside government, inside Parliament, and in law enforcement agencies, of course they are doing everything what is possible to make this Mafia successful and they do not need any changes in current situation in Russian Federation because this situation is very good for them. Not for country, not for people, but only for these organized crime groups.
     Page 35       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    But let's say that this is domestic problem for Russia and what for to discuss these domestic problems here? But please keep in mind that about 30 of most powerful, rich, and experienced Mafia-type organizations in Russia, they already establish their presence and made their establishment in this country. They made their establishment in this country in every other American state and in every big American city. And this is main danger for this country, because when they are coming here as legitimate businessmen, and their money is investments to American economy, are very welcomed by local authorities. But when they come here and making their establishment, they cannot exist for so low interest rate as you do have in this country. Back in Russia they have 30 percent monthly interest. Thirty percent.

    So, according to their view or against their view, they are dreaming about the same business they have in Russia. And using their huge amount of money, organization, and trained personnel, they beginning to do the same way in this country. And you know what has happened. In New York City, in Miami, in California, when local authorities begin to recognize that this is direct threat to their economies because Mafia people, they don't care about how to recruit somebody from bank or from American companies, they are using their own methods and very effective methods, penetrating through American financial and economical infrastructure and trying to establish control over most profitable American enterprises. I think this is main danger.

    Mr. PICKETT. So, you estimate, Colonel Lunev, you estimate that there are some 6,000-Mafia type units existing in Russia? Did I understand you correctly?

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes, sir. And this is let's say—because of according Russian estimation. There are much more.
     Page 36       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Mr. PICKETT. But there is no single leader of all of these 6,000 individual units?

    Colonel LUNEV. No, no. As a result of this you can see a lot of contract killers and killings, assassinations in Moscow; because during the last 5 years, I think more than 500 Russian businessmen were killed in this—between groups connections.

    Mr. PICKETT. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

    Mr. WELDON. Thank you, Mr. Pickett.

    Mr. Bartlett.

    Mr. BARTLETT. Thank you very much. Relative to Mr. Pickett's question of how the Russians might get small nuclear weapons into this country, I have noted, perhaps jokingly in the past, but if I had the assignment of getting nuclear weapons into this country, I would simply put them in a bale of marijuana. We cannot detect the bale of marijuana and if it contained the nuclear weapon, presumably we couldn't detect that either.

    If or when the bale of marijuana got here it wasn't broken down and moved to the street, if it was simply sequestered somewhere, the argument could be made that we would never know that the bale of marijuana had come here. If we cannot see it when it is moving an airplane or on a boat or in the back of a van, it would be less likely that we would see it once it had been moved to its final destination and sequestered. I wonder if you would comment.
     Page 37       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Colonel LUNEV. I am sorry, sir, because for me, actually I didn't understand your question. But if I understand right, you would like to know how it is possible to keep these weapons system in one place for a long period of time? Or not?

    Mr. BARTLETT. My observation was that just as a layman looking at the challenge of getting a nuclear weapon into this country, that I had in the past jokingly said that it would be easy to get it here, I would simply put it in a bale of marijuana. Many bales of marijuana are smuggled into our country. If they were hollowed out and a nuclear weapon put in the bale of marijuana, that would seem to be a reasonably secure way of getting it into the country.

    Then I observed that if after it was here, the marijuana was not broken down and moved to the street, we would never know that it was here. And the analogy would be that if the nuclear weapon then having been smuggled in in the bale of marijuana were simply sequestered somewhere, why would we expect that we would ever find it?

    Colonel LUNEV. Just now I understand. I am sorry, sir. Mr. Barlett, you just now, you mentioned excellent way how to

    Mr. BARTLETT. I have a political question. You may not be able to answer, but it is one that intrigues me. I have asked why the Russians, with their tough domestic situation and few dollars, are still engaging in military preparations, and I was told that it was because they were paranoid.

     Page 38       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  
    If that is true, then my question is why would we want to feed that paranoia by expanding NATO into what used to be part of the Soviet Union? That would not appear to me to be in the national security interest of our country, or any country. If, in fact, Russia is pursuing its military ventures, developments, because it is paranoid, why would we want to feed that paranoia by expanding NATO?

    Colonel LUNEV. To say paranoia I think is too strong, because these people, they are not crazy. They are not crazy. But they are using this time, current time, and using the situation which is in place in Russia to become rich and to preserve this money they receive legally and illegally, 99 percent illegally, for their future generations.

    In time when there is very deep economical, social, political, and just now financial crisis, these people much more rely on the international aid and assistance than on possibility to develop their own economy and industry. And in time when this crisis is in place and, you know, according to news from Russia, and new strikes, no payments of salaries, including military personnel—and for your information, maybe it will be interesting for you—when General Staff officers and Minister of Defense senior officers, including generals who were not paid for several months, they need to go after business hours to the streets and work as salespeople, security guards, taxicab drivers, to make their ends meet, to feed their family by something.

    In this situation, the Russian Government needs to explain for its own population that it is not the Government's fault that everything bad, really bad is going on in Russia, but because of foreign enemy or military potential adversity which try to destroy Mother Russia the same way as the enemy destroyed former Soviet Union. To keep away attention of Russian population from domestic difficulties and pose them to the face of foreign enemy.
     Page 39       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    And you know that during last year, let's say last 2 or 3 years, Russian military conducted huge exercises. And the last one happened 2 months ago when Strategic Air Force Command had really very big field exercises. And when they trained Russian military personnel to fight against whom? Against American military personnel for the future war against the United States.

    So they are not paranoid. They are very practical people who are trying to deal very well on problems inside Russia and international problems. And sometimes very successfully. You know about this last International Monetary Fund loan to Russia, together with Japanese money, it would be $22 billion, more than $22 billion. And this is in time when Russia now needs to pay every third budget ruble for serving of foreign debts; with new money, they will need to pay 45 percent of Russian budget, income, for serving of foreign debt. But not one penny will not go to Russian people, the same way it happened with all billions of dollars received by the Russian Federation during last 6 years.

    They are not paranoid. They are very smart, but they are dangerous.

    Mr. BARTLETT. Thank you very much for your insight. I hope that our intelligence people were listening. You are saying that what Russia is doing is calculated, it is not the result of paranoia.

    This brings me to my last question. Our chairman mentioned Yamantau Mountain. This is a large facility, the largest new nuclear-secure facility in the world. It started with Brezhnev. The Russians have spent about $4 billion building it. You mentioned that they cannot pay the salaries of their military people. At a time when they cannot pay those salaries they are still building at Yamantau Mountain.
     Page 40       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    They have just increased the housing which would accommodate about 60,000 before the increase. It is not command and control, it is not food storage, it is not clothing storage. It is none of these things. Clearly, its only use would be after a nuclear war.

    Do you have any suggestion as to why the Russians are still continuing to put a large amount of money in Yamantau Mountain?

    Colonel LUNEV. Sir, thank you for question. You know that in regular Russian people, there are a lot of problems. They are not paid. Some soldiers receiving cat and dog food in their daily rations, and they are lucky because in some military camps they do not receive anything. They need to sell something and to buy food for weapons systems they are selling to the same state criminals.

    But Russian Federation until now didn't change anything in structure of strategic Armed Forces. Conventional Armed Forces, they don't care about it because it could be restored in very short period of time. But they still taking very close care of our strategic nuclear missile personnel and paying very close attention for the development. In time of very deep economical crisis, Russia spent a lot of money for the development of new types of strategic missiles, nuclear warheads, submarines, everything connected with strategic buildup of Russian Federation.

    And they are not paranoid; they are really smart people. And they know that if their policy will push the world to the next world war, it would be thermonuclear war and the planet actually would be destroyed and people will die. But they don't want to die. As a result of this, they constructed huge underground facilities in Moscow, close to Moscow, with communications, underground communications with other places and cities, including Yamantau, huge actually bunker.
     Page 41       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    There is no analog in this world for this huge bunker. It would be an underground city which can save let's say thousands of people from Russian elite after nuclear war. When planet will die, they will still be alive. And this is main reason. And they are not paranoid. They are smart.

    Mr. BARTLETT. Thank you.

    Mr. WELDON. Mr. Reyes from Texas.

    Mr. REYES. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have got a number of comments to make about some of the testimony that has been made here. I am particularly interested in the observations that the gentleman made about the ease with which our borders can be penetrated, based on my background in the Border Patrol.

    When we are talking about the introduction of narcotics into this country, I think it is helpful to understand and realize that 90 percent of the narcotics coming into this country actually come through designated ports of entry. In other words, when we can only inspect 3 commercial trucks out of every 100, that is the most common way that people introduce narcotics into the country from its primary source, which is Mexico.

    In having worked with the Border Patrol, including almost 12 years as the chief in south Texas and west Texas, one of the things that we always were on guard for was unusual things by way of gathering intelligence. Obviously, having the ability to come in contact with not the normal profile people that we would be interested in, either for alien smuggling or narcotics traffics or arms trafficking, those kinds of things, we do have a system that identifies nontraditional targeted-type criminals, and certainly this, I think, would fit into that category.
     Page 42       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    I am curious about—and the last thing I will say is that there is no such thing as a bale of marijuana. Marijuana is trafficked in kilo packages. The packages are bundled together. But normally—and this is based on my

    I am curious about a number of things, colonel. The first one is since you have been here in hiding, or in your current capacity, have you taken steps to change your appearance? Have you changed your physical appearance so that you would not be recognized?

    Mr. LUNEV. Yes, I changed it a little bit. But it was against my will, because in time when I had radiation therapy, this radiation machine burned everything here and keep only small hairs in this area. That is all.

    Mr. WELDON. Will the gentleman yield? Is it not correct that you have also changed your name?

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes.

    Mr. REYES. I am curious, being here under those circumstances, do you have a regular income—or how do you make a living?

    Colonel LUNEV. Because I am consultant, private consultant, and providing my services to government institution and companies which are interested in my recommendations.

     Page 43       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  
    Mr. REYES. I was curious about your comment about the issue with the showdown with Cuba back in the sixties, and the fact that the strategy, if I understood it correctly, was to get the missiles removed from Turkey. I kind of found that curious, because there were so many other ways that the United States could threaten Russia in terms of—submarine missile launches and other ways, and I will look further into this, but I was kind of curious to have that as a major goal of the confrontation. I don't know if anyone else shares that.

    The last thing I will say is, colonel—and, Mr. Chairman, if you will indulge me here—you know, given the fact that we know that the Soviet Union has always actively engaged in disinformation, I am wondering if we couldn't be subjected to the ultimate form of disinformation and we couldn't be focused on an area or in a manner that we would be falling into a long-term strategy to keep us looking one place and not focusing in on what the real threat meant.

    I just have that—I guess it is my background, it is my training and the fact that there is so much disinformation that is part of the national strategy, both for our country and obviously for the Soviet Union and other world powers, that I hope that we are being circumspect in terms of not accepting everything at face value and not, from a practical standpoint, making sure that we have some kind of system where we can really validate and test a lot of these kinds of things.

    I am very much, obviously, concerned about the security of this country and the things that are evolving out of the Soviet Union and other parts of the world. But, I think, it would behoove us to really be careful and be circumspect about the way that we approach, and not take everything on its merits or on its face value. And that is basically my whole comment, Mr. Chairman.
     Page 44       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Mr. WELDON. Thank you. Colonel Lunev, would you like to respond to Mr. Reyes' comments?

    Colonel LUNEV. I have only a few words, comments for this. Let's say—you mentioned very interesting thing, because Border Patrol from time to time, they found that it is not regular drug traffickers, they have found connected with drugs something else. It has happened, let's say about the last 7, 8 years during these years, last years. I cannot exclude possibility that there were so-called new people in drug trafficking business, which could be used by intelligence agencies for transportation of different weapons systems from one country to another and back.

    But it is possible that these so-called new drug traffickers are connected with new wave of drug trafficking to this country, which was organized by former KGB operatives in former Soviet Union, which developed some kind of very special organization using former KGB intelligence officers, their contacts with foreign countries, and their previous locations when they were operational, for drug trafficking from Golden Triangle, from Southwest Asia through Central Asia, former Soviet Central Asia Republic. After this, Southern Europe to Cuba, from Cuba to Latin American countries, and from them to the United States. So, maybe it is new drug traffickers which are part of this current Russian organized crime or Mafia-type activity.

    About Cuba, I need to tell you that Cuba is considered by Russian military as a some kind of strong point of Russian intelligence directed against the United States, because, you know, this huge SIGINT station by the name of Lourdes, located very close to Havana, which collected all information from Atlantic and American east coast and additionally to this station. There are some other elements of Russian intelligence on the Cuban territory which people recruits agents and send these agents to the United States for the spy business and to Latin American countries. So Cuba is very important.
     Page 45       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    And you said about disinformation, it is very important point. And you know that during Cuban crisis, Soviet strategic nuclear missiles were deployed on the Cuban territory. But only limited number of specialists know that at the same time on Cuban territory were deployed tactical nuclear devices. Strategic, it means for the destruction of the American territory. Tactical, to destroy American fleet in time of blockade around Cuba.

    And actually, nobody does know about these tactical nuclear devices which were located in Cuba until end of eighties and were withdrawn from Cuban territory only in the end of 1980's, without any knowledge of Fidel Castro about these nuclear weapons location in his own territory.

    Thank you, sir.

    Mr. WELDON. Thank you. We are going to come around again if you have other questions.

    Mr. Bateman.

    Mr. BATEMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. As I have understood your testimony, Colonel Lunev, it is to the effect that it is possible that these portable nuclear devices have been positioned in the United States, because they were in Russia but they are no longer there? Is that what I understand to be your testimony?

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes, sir; because my point was that these devices need to be deployed in foreign countries, main potential military adversary territories, very well in advance. So in peacetime and maybe now. And it was not my story, but it was General Lebed, who was in charge of Russian Federation and Russian Security Council, who said openly that more than 100 of these devices disappeared from Russia and could be located somewhere in former Soviet Union or in other countries.
     Page 46       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    As for me, I heard this information long, long time before General Lebed disclosed this one. But this is some kind of, let's say, official confirmation.

    Mr. BATEMAN. So, basically you are saying that during your career as an operative for the GRU, you were aware that Russia had portable nuclear devices?

    Colonel LUNEV. And our instructors teach us how to use these devices.

    Mr. BATEMAN. And a part of your assignment when you were in the United States before you defected was to find and recommend sites where they might be brought and deployed?

    Colonel LUNEV. You are absolutely right, sir.

    Mr. BATEMAN. You have no knowledge that the sites you recommended were actually used?

    Colonel LUNEV. No. It is impossible to know about that.

    Mr. BATEMAN. Has there been any disclosure as to the site that you did, in fact, recommend? Have you disclosed to any American authorities or intelligence agencies sites that you did recommend?

     Page 47       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  
    Colonel LUNEV. In 1992, sir.

    Mr. BATEMAN. When you defected, Mikhail Gorbachev was the Chief of State in the then-Soviet Union, and it was during his administration or regime, so to speak, that you

    Colonel LUNEV. Unfortunately, it is connected with the name of Gorbachev, yes; because his policy of perestroika and glasnost opened gates for open criminal activity. Because before it was underground, and first of all, in type of so-called shadow economy.

    Mr. BATEMAN. But prior to Gorbachev, when there was Brezhnev, Andropov, and others, you were not offended by the political cultural system that we know to have existed in the Soviet Union?

    Colonel LUNEV. I am sorry, sir; I am sorry, sir. I asked my coauthor because I do not want to spend your time for nothing and will try to answer you shortly.

    Let's say that I lost all my ideological illusions about communism and Marxism-Leninism together. In time I had once military education in low school of Moscow and military political academy. It is not GRU training center. It is military political academy, a well-known fortress for Communist Party which tried to train political commissars for army, navy, and the air force.

    My school wasn't for commissars, low school. But when I was in the school, I had very special access to libraries. For ordinary people, they didn't have any access to these libraries, and I had the chance to see secret documents signed by Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, and I found they are not people. They are crazy maniacs who prefers to destroy thousands and millions of their own compatriots for their political goals. So, I lost my ideological illusions long, long time before perestroika and glasnost came.
     Page 48       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Mr. BATEMAN. I am glad you clarified that because what we heard was that you had become disaffected by the corruption, the crime, the Mafia operations, and significance in Russian society, not by any ideological concern about the nature of communism and the Soviet Union.

    Let me ask you this. These portable nuclear devices—I should know this, but unfortunately I do not—what kind of capability do these devices have? Are they a threat primarily because of an explosion that can be obtained through these devices, or is it the radioactivity that they release, or is it both? What is the capability? What is the nature of the threat of these devices, if here and if they are utilized?

    Colonel LUNEV. Thank you, sir, for your question. So-called nuclear briefcases—for us the official name was portable tactical nuclear devices—specially designed for special operation forces to destroy highly protected targets from inside. So their power is not big. Several kilotons.

    But if these devices would be delivered inside highly protected from outside bunker and exploded inside, they will destroy everything. And, of course, it would be together this power wave, radiation, and all—all results of nuclear explosion.

    Mr. BATEMAN. So, the operative notion here is that these devices would be smuggled into the United States, would be concealed here, and then Special Operations Forces at a later predetermined time would come here, know where they were, they would get them, and then they would be able to insert them into secure facilities?
     Page 49       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes, sir.

    Mr. BATEMAN. To maximize their effectiveness?

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes, sir. And they would be used, usually, in time when nuclear strike would be very, very close to the target. Because before, to register nuclear explosion, that means to compromise the whole war plans.

    Mr. BATEMAN. So, these devices would be used in coordination with a full-blown nuclear attack upon the United States?

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes.

    Mr. BATEMAN. And only—the concept was they would be used only under such a scenario?

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes, sir. And I think it was a very good reason for General Lebed in his last interview to say especially that he finally found that these devices are in right hands, not bad hands. So, these devices cannot be used by, let's say, international terrorists. Because if they will find these devices and will try to open it, they will open box with garbage, no nuclear devices. That is all.

    Mr. BATEMAN. I am not sure I understood your point. If I am understanding——
     Page 50       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Colonel LUNEV. Self-destruction machine.

    Mr. BATEMAN. We have no threat of these devices from terrorists' attack; only from something that is actually a manipulated Russian-controlled operation?

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes. These devices could be activated only by specialists. Not all, but specialists from Special Operations Forces commanders.

    Mr. BATEMAN. But suppose Special Operations Forces having access to these devices, in addition to making them available to a terrorist, made available to them the information as to how to make them operative as a destructive device.

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes, sir. And of course these specialists who could take care about these devices, how to use it, of course they are not inside regular Special Operations Forces commanders. They are separated. And they would be assigned to the commanders' squads only in time when it would be necessary to activate these devices.

    Mr. BATEMAN. But they would know how to activate?

    Colonel LUNEV. They will know; they will know.

    Mr. BATEMAN. And there are people who have access to the device who also have access to the technology as to how to utilize them?
     Page 51       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes, sir.

    Mr. BATEMAN. So, if they are corrupted, then they could dispose of these devices for money to terrorist groups, along with information as to how to use them?

    Colonel LUNEV. Sir, they couldn't acquire information. Russian Government keeping very close control over strategical forces in Russian Federation, including strategic SPETSNAZ or Special Operation Forces commanders. And these people are isolated. Isolated. They are supplied very well. They do not have shortage in salaries or food rations or something else. And I hope that until now, and in nearest future, they would not need to sell something, let's say, for terrorists or for criminals from this very special devices.

    Mr. BATEMAN. Well, in that I am sure we all share your hope.

    Colonel LUNEV. Thank you.

    Mr. BATEMAN. Given the magnitude of what you described as the criminal organizations that permeate Russian society, I don't know that I have a high level of confidence that even the most elite are immune from being affected.

    Colonel LUNEV. Sir, you know, it is a very strange situation in Russia when elite, elite of military-political establishment, they are corrupted from top to bottom. But people who are on the ground, let's say platoon company battalion commanders who do not receive salaries for several months, their family members are hungry, they still providing their services for government which does not pay their salary. So, it is paradox of Russian life when top-level elite is corrupted about people on the ground, working for the country which doesn't care about them.
     Page 52       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    Mr. BATEMAN. Well, I cannot debate with you whether or not this is the normal phenomenon, but all my experience with humankind is that not necessarily all of these people are that dedicated to the government which does not pay them.

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes.

    Mr. BATEMAN. I thank Mr. Chairman.

    Mr. WELDON. Thank you, Mr. Bateman. The gentlewoman from California, Ms. Sanchez.

    Ms. SANCHEZ. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am glad Mr. Reyes is back in the room. First of all, I want to thank you, Colonel, for being here today and to let you know that I do not come from a political background, I come from a business background, and that allows me to have a lot of friends who do work in Russia now for American companies. Some are very strategically placed, and I will tell you that they e-mail me all the time about the conditions in Russia and what you have mentioned about Mafia and the Government.

    Colonel LUNEV. Thank you.

    Ms. SANCHEZ. Second, it is wonderful to hear your English, and I am sure that all of my colleagues admire your proficiency in it. I noticed a couple of times that you were apologizing. Please don't, because it is really a wonderful thing to know various languages, and we thank you for being able to speak ours.
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    I really have a question with respect to what you think would be the countermeasures that we, the United States, should take to better protect ourselves if, in fact, the Russian Government has a strategy of placing weapons of this type within the United States. What do you believe would be a strategic way to protect ourselves?

    Colonel LUNEV. Thank you. By my view, in this country, you have very powerful counterintelligence community and law enforcement agencies. And as I already said, unfortunately they do not have possibility to cover everything in this country, so they need support of American people, from everybody, to support them in their really very hard job. If it would be support from every American citizen, I think they would have much more chance to do their job better than they are doing now.

    But, of course, to rely on people's support is very good idea but it is very difficult. And if I understand right for this country, it is necessary to build some kind of three lines of protection. Let's say to improve American intelligence community activity, and of course, not only by increased money for this agency. Yes; they need—they need this money, but maybe to focus this agency on the main threat to the United States national security and to concentrate attention for most targeted areas in this country to protect them.

    The same way for American counterintelligence. They are doing a really good job. And you know that they are not doing antispy regular business, but they are involved very deeply in fighting against organized crime groups in this country, so they need your support. They need support from American people and they need really, they need much more money, people, and possibilities to protect this ones.
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    And let's say a third line of defense, I think it would be to focus American National Security Council on the most potential threats of this country and to pay much more attention for the most dangerous points, of course, in the experience of, let's say, a secondhand operations, second operations.

    This is briefly—and you remember the gentleman first asked about this who served in Border Patrol. This is law enforcement agencies, very highly trained professionals, but they cannot close everything. They need support. They need increase of funds. They need increase of numbers. Only in this case is it possible to prevent everything. But of course this is, let's say, some kind of ideological fiction.

    Ms. SANCHEZ. Thank you. I have another question with respect to this Russian Mafia. I think I have somewhat of an understanding of how it exists in the former—in Russia, as I said, I have friends who deal with it quite a bit. Actually on the inside.

    My question is, we hear a lot—for example, I come from the State of California where our local law enforcement talks about a Russian Mafia infiltrated within the United States that deals more in drug dealing and sales of false documents and things of that sort. Would you say that that Russian Mafia that our local law enforcement continues to come up against is in any way tied to what is happening back in the Soviet Union, or is that a separate——

    Colonel LUNEV. Actually, they have roots in Russia. And as Mafia, they appeared in Russia. And after this, they began to establish international connections and to spread their influence worldwide. So they came, let's say to California, as subunit, a so-called forward deployment unit from Mafia organization in Russian Federation, so they are based in Russia.
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    But the operations just now, because in Russia they steal actually almost everything, so they need just now to have much more spheres of interest and various interests, so they came to California. And they have support from Mafia in Russia, huge amount of money, and unlimited number of personnel which can come to California when it would be necessary, to establish criminal business in California. But the criminal business, they are not limited by criminal business because, you know, this drug trafficking, prostitution, racketeering is on the surface and is really easy to register this activity.

    But for California, I think it is much more important that these Mafia groups located in California, they begin their penetrations through California economy. And they are trying to establish their own control over most profitable medium-sized and small-of-sized companies in California and using all their methods, trying, let's say first of all, to provide damage to this company, and after this, to establish control over this company. I think this is most important danger for California State.

    Ms. SANCHEZ. Great. And then I have a question, really. Maybe you don't have the expertise in this, but I will ask it anyway because I am interested in something that we have been dealing with here on the committee just in the recent month with respect to ballistic missile threats.

    We just had a report last month, a report to Congress. In the report, let me read something about the assessment of the threat posed by Russia. And then I will ask, since you are a consultant, you give recommendations, I will ask you to comment on the assessment provided in that report, what you may know or not know.
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    The commission concluded in the report that Russia continues to pose a ballistic missile threat to the United States, although a different character than the past. The commission reports that the number of missiles in its inventory is likely to decline further compared to cold war levels, in that a large number of these missiles are basically becoming obsolete. Still, Russian ballistic missile forces continue to be modernized and improved, although the pace of modernization has been slowed. The Russian ballistic missile early warning system and the nuclear command and control system that have been affected by the aging and the delays in the planned modernization means that if there were civil strife present, early warning and command and control weaknesses would pose a risk of unauthorized or inadvertent launch of missiles against the United States.

    Could you comment on that?

    Colonel LUNEV. Excellent question. I need about 2 hours to answer this question. But very briefly, very briefly, the situation in Russian strategic missile forces, of course, is very difficult. But the Russian Government keeping a very close eye on the development of this strategic missile forces command, and spends a lot of money for the development of new strategical nuclear missiles and new warheads for these missiles.

    Actually, in the whole world, creation of new warheads was canceled; and if it is going, it is going very slowly. But Russia is still developing these weapons system.

    But about safety, I think that strategic nuclear arsenal of Russian Federation is relatively safe because first of all these nuclear arsenals, strategic nuclear arsenal is protected by special directorate of the General Staff. These very highly trained professionals, they know exactly what to do in every type of situation, so they keeping close eye on the strategic nuclear weapons. But according tactical nuclear weapons, I cannot say so. I cannot say so. And this is absolutely different question, safety of tactical and nuclear arsenal.
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    But according possible unauthorized use, you know what is happened couple of years ago in Russia when strategic nuclear command missile—nuclear command post found itself without electricity power for computers. In this post, cut power means war. Computers immediately reprogram, itself, own

    So, it was unauthorized attempt to use strategic nuclear arsenal by very simple reason; because Ministry of Defense didn't pay money for electric company and local electricity guy switched off power. That is all. But for nuclear missiles warhead, cutting power means war. So, I do not think that it is possible to use, without authorization, Russian strategic nuclear arsenal. And I think that this arsenal is safe and would be in safety, let's say, for a long period of time until START II and maybe START III Treaty would be in place.

    Ms. SANCHEZ. Thank you, colonel. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your indulgence with the time.

    Mr. WELDON. Thank you, and we will have another round if you want. Before I turn to Mr. McHale, what do you make of General Lebed's comments over the past several days that if certain conditions are not met in Krosnyosk that he would consider taking over?

    Colonel LUNEV. Consider possibility to establish his control over military if government will not pay money? Yes.

    Mr. WELDON. Do you think he is just posturing himself against Moscow leadership to get them to pay? Do you think he would really seriously consider doing something like that?
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    Colonel LUNEV. Sir, let's say that he was inside Russian Federation, Yeltsin government, very short period of time, and until now, Russian people, they do not associate Lebed with Yeltsin government. I know how this has happened. Only a few months and he was fired. And if he will try really to establish his own control in Krasnoyarsk administrative district or military located in this district, including a lot of strategic nuclear missiles, I think local commanders will be very glad to recognize his superiority over them, if he will take care about them.

    Mr. WELDON. Thank you.

    Mr. McHale.

    Mr. MCHALE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Colonel, in your testimony, and I have had an opportunity to read all of it, you obviously focus on the pervasive influence of the Russian Mafia over the current government.

    Could you expand upon that and describe for us the interface between the Yeltsin government and its legitimate exercise of power and the corrupt influence of the Russian Mafia? Is this a relationship that is confrontational? Is it a relationship that is cooperative and illegitimate? Or is this ultimately a battle between legitimate, honest governmental forces and those who would seek to corrupt that process? I guess what I am really looking for is kind of a word picture. Who is really running Russia today? Is it the Mafia or is it President Yeltsin?

    Colonel LUNEV. Actually, this is Mafia which is running Russia today. But as I already said, it is very different Mafia. Different Mafia because this is together industrial, mobsters, financial, criminals, law enforcement agencies, leaders and high-level officials, all of them together, plus former Communist Party high-level bureaucrats. So, these people are running Russia now. And just now they name themselves as industrial financial tycoons, but came from nothing 8 years ago to richest people in the world now.
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    And nobody from them cannot explain the first capital they began their business with. Some money came from criminals directly. Some money from Communist Party money. Some money from KGB special reserves. So these people just now are ruling Russia and the name in Russia is Mafia.

    Mr. MCHALE. I am hesitant to use the term Mafia, because it may draw historical references that are inappropriate, drawn from our own history, and unrealistically relating that history to your own. Let me just refer to it as a criminal infrastructure.

    How does this—I gather from what you say—very powerful criminal infrastructure extending across areas of political activity, industrial activity, financial activity, interface with the legitimate Government of President Yeltsin? Where does their power end and his power begin? Or to what extent is there a corrupt cooperative relationship, not that I mean to imply such, between the legitimate government and the criminal infrastructure?

    Colonel LUNEV. Legitimate government and criminal infrastructure just now are very close to each other, and penetrating into each other. People from government are involving in private business and criminal groups are involving in government activity. And it is no joke, but just now Russians are talking that every political party in Russia has its own criminal Mafia organization and every Mafia-type organization has its own political party. So this is mixture.

    And about Yeltsin's government, Russian Federation Government, this government trying to explain to its own people that trying to fight against organized crime group, declared several campaigns for fighting against organized crime groups. Six campaigns. All of them failed because who will fulfill the main duties of this campaign? Law enforcement agencies. They are corrupt.
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    A few years ago it was official estimation of Russian—one of President Yeltsin's assistants in charge of national security—that for Moscow police, Moscow police, 90 percent of personnel existed on the money they received from Mafia. How these people can fight against organized crime if they are receiving money from these Mafia-type organizations? So, there is no border or any kind of very clear difference between government and criminal activities together.

    Mr. MCHALE. You paint a pretty bleak picture. Imagine that you were up here on the dais in our position and we are seeking to identify honest, independent, reform-oriented elements of the Russian Government.

    Can you help us in that identification? Are there elements of the Russian Government that are truly striving for the democratic ideals that we hold to be true, and what can we do to relate to those independent, honest elements of government in order to reinforce their capability? How do we find the good guys and how do we help them?

    Colonel LUNEV. I think for this purposes you have a strong intelligence agency in this country and it is their responsibility to provide you that answer for this question. Of course, I cannot say that every, everybody in this country—by the way, which government? Last government? Previous government? And how long this current government will stay in power is very difficult to say. But I cannot say that everyone connected are criminals. But almost every, yes, they are connected. And to find who is who, I think it is not very difficult in Russia. And I think for your intelligence community, there is not any kind of big problem to answer for your question. And I think that it is necessary, it is necessary to look a little bit more around government trying to find people who are really supporting democratic changes which need to be in place in Russia, but they are not.
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    So, to look around and not concentrate only on government and with people who are outside government, I think it would be very good idea to find common ways how to do together to plan democracy inside Russia.

    Mr. MCHALE. You are talking about strategic partnerships with those who are outside the formal structure of government. Financial relationships, industrial relationships.

    Colonel, you discuss at some length, both in your testimony and on prior occasions, the selection of drop sites for weapons of mass destruction in the United States. Could you briefly describe to us the selection criteria that you used? Was it based on industrial activity in that area? Population centers? Political significance? What kinds of considerations entered into your calculation?

    Colonel LUNEV. First of all, nobody from—intelligence officers in the fields was not informed about weapons systems. He need to find places for storages. He was informed about sites of so-called dead drop. It was necessary to find, let's say, 1 meter and 50 centimeters. What is possible to put there, we didn't know. But we understand that it would be some kind of container for

    Mr. MCHALE. I understand.

    Colonel LUNEV. So, with this question for us, everything was very clear. But another one, why it is not necessary that to get very close to industrial or political objects or mostly populated areas. They need to be located in places where it would be most easiest way to reach this place and to take this place for future target. Let's say that.
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    Mr. MCHALE. If I understand correctly, you are saying that this drop site was not the place for detonation but simply for storage?

    Colonel LUNEV. For storage only. For storage only. So, let's say for Washington, DC, operational area, what was the most important? Chain of military command. With destruction of the chain, war would be victorious for one side immediately, and losing for another side. So, it needs to be located, let's say, in not very far from this place, but not very close to this place because all this area around big Washington, DC, under very special and permanent attention of American Special Services. So, it needed to be not, let's say, 500 miles, but not less than 50 miles to this place. So, location was depends from future operational use of these weapons.

    Mr. MCHALE. Thank you for the information. Mr. Chairman do we have time for one more question?

    Mr. WELDON. Sure, go ahead.

    Mr. MCHALE. Colonel, I have been affected by your emphasis on the corrupt and pervasive nature of the Russian Mafia, to use the term that you employed earlier, and I have deep-seated concerns, concerns that I think you intended to produce, regarding the influence of that criminal infrastructure.

    On a very pragmatic level, how do we, in the United States build a positive and strategic relationship with the Russian people, a relationship that many of us believed would be the outcome of the end of the cold war, an opportunity to set aside our weapons, particularly our nuclear weapons, perhaps not abandon them, but to move back from the brink of confrontation and build a very positive relationship with the Russian people.
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    How do we continue to pursue that goal while dealing with the reality and the potential brutality of a criminal infrastructure that exercises such enormous control over the Russian Government and, by implication, Russian society? How do we build that friendship with the people while confronting and challenging the criminal element?

    Colonel LUNEV. Thank you very much, sir. It is an excellent, excellent question. I can tell you only one. That Russian people, they like American people. Ordinary Russians, they know where is America and what does it mean, America. And let's say that—we do have very many common points between ourselves—but let's say what does it mean America? This is our planet in miniature, dozens of different nations, nationalities, different races in one country. It was absolutely the same in former Soviet Union where there were dozens of nations, nationalities, people with different color of skin. And so, we do have not only this multinational structure, we have a lot of common cultural values, human values together. And to find way to understand Russian people, it is no problem absolutely. And Russian people find way to understand American people.

    But American people, you have democracy here. And you have a right to elect and control. Russians, officially they do have it. But unfortunately in real life, they have very limited rights. And I never heard about somebody who say that he hates America. No. They like America and excited by the American way of life; and envy, envy for Americans which can establish their own way of life without order from the top.

    So, how to build this relationship? I think you already are doing, because fortunately I had a chance to see some materials from your committee when you are involved in providing support for Russian Parliament members in their understanding, better understanding of democracy and how it is possible to live in democracy. Finally you are providing them with advises and something and other information, how to build their own economical life, for finance and for housing builders. You have a lot of problems, but who knows about it? You know. Russian Parliament. Who else? It is absolutely unknown for general public because you spent hours, you spend your lives trying to do it, but nobody doesn't know about it.
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    So, please extend your possibilities and inform American public that you are not sleeping, you are doing and doing very important thing. And, of course, to answer your questions, I need to return back to our previous conversations. Please, do not concentrate your policy and activity only for one person. Only for one person. He is nothing now. He is thinking about his family. That is all. I mean big family. Try to find somebody else who would much more easier to understand you and will make return step to your step, which are doing with your open heart, that is all.

    Mr. MCHALE. Spasibo.

    Mr. WELDON. Colonel, the question by Mr. McHale and your response leads us to what I want to say about this hearing and what our purpose here is and our intent, and the fact that I hope people don't misread this as an attempt to try to come at a conclusion that we should totally withdraw from involvement with Russia, that we should somehow attempt to recreate Russia as an adversary that we eventually have to confront militarily, because I don't believe either one of those two.

    My intent with this hearing was to present to the American people and our colleagues that there are serious concerns within Russia. And I think we do ourselves a disservice when we, as a government, deny reality, when we pretend that Boris Yeltsin is in total control; when we pretend that the $600 million a year we put into Russia in terms of cooperative threat reduction, which I support, and economic development assistance, is really helping the Russian people.

     Page 65       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  
    Because for the most part, the average Russian person doesn't see the benefit of the money we are putting into that country. They don't see the benefit. And therefore, if anything, they see their quality of life getting worse instead of better.

    You mentioned a couple of the ideas that we are pursuing and two of them, I think, are very important because we have worked very aggressively on these.

    The first is to empower the state Duma, to have the state Duma and the Federation Council, the equivalent to our Senate, play more of an aggressive, proactive role in the Russian Government, because right now you have a strong President. And the strong President can threaten to disband

    So, I think one of the things that we can and should do, in fact, what we are doing, is find ways to strengthen the Duma and identify those leaders in the Duma who are enlightened, who are honest, and who really are committed to Russia's long-term success. And let me say to you there are a number of those kinds of people. There are a number of Duma deputies who I believe are honest, hardworking, sincere, and who we have and can trust. And so, we are taking the initiative to work with those individuals.

    The second thing I think we have to do is help Russia create a middle class. I think by your testimony and by your own observations, you have the very wealthy Russians who are bleeding the system, taking in many cases money intended for the average Russians and putting it in Swiss bank accounts and in United States real estate investments, instead of helping the Russian people.

     Page 66       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  
    We need to find ways that can help Russia create a middle class, and one of those you alluded to is a mortgage financing mechanism so that average Russians making $200 a month or less, which is the average Russian family, can, in fact, be able to buy a flat, an apartment, or house, and mortgage it as we do in this country over 25 to 30 years.

    It is very difficult to do that. And I will tell you why. Because we have relied for so long in this country on President-to-President that our Government doesn't want to bypass the existing structure in Russia. And what I think we have to do, and I want you to comment on this, I think we have to bypass that structure. We have to find ways to go right to the regions, to the regional leaders, the governors outside of Moscow, who can and who, I think, want to create real programs, programs that have integrity to help the Russian people, instead of these centralized and centrally controlled programs that basically benefit the existing power structure and the existing seven or nine bankers who are basically siphoning off the bulk of the money that the IMF and that we put in. Do you agree with that assessment?

    Colonel LUNEV. Yes, sir. Yes, sir. And I can say additionally only a few words, because all of this international financial assistance which is going to Russia is going to the central government, to central bank, and international bank organized numerous operations for this money, especially how to distribute this money finally to the private pockets of new Russian tycoons. So, this money is used by central government for their own people.

    But if some aid and assistance will go to the regional powers, to the regional governors, governments, they are not corrupted so much as central government, and maybe just now from all this international hundreds of billions of dollars, not one penny came to ordinary Russians. So, if you do this business using local authorities, I think it would be much more effective, much more effective for the future of Russia.
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    Mr. WELDON. Well, I agree with you totally, and we are working in that regard aggressively to accomplish that.

    Mr. Pickett do you have any other questions?

    Mr. PICKETT. No; I have no questions Mr. Chairman.

    Mr. WELDON. Colonel Lunev, are there any other points that you would like to make that we haven't covered? There are a number of other questions we could ask you about, but I think you have given us a very fair and accurate perspective, and I think you have also been very careful to caution us that you haven't been involved for 6 years in Russia as an agent, and that you don't have direct information to all of those things that we have asked about. You are just giving us your personal feelings.

    But you shared with us your desire to have stable relations between the American people and the Russian people. And I would hope that people do not misinterpret this hearing. Again, this is not to try to embarrass anyone. It is to try to fully understand what is happening in Russia.

    I started this hearing off by talking about one of my good friends. I have many good friends in Russia but one of my good friends was Lev Rokhlin, a hero in Russia. He turned down the highest award that the Russian Government offers to its military, the Hero of Russia Award, because of Pavel Grachev who was going to give it to him, and Lev Rokhlin's lack of respect for Pavel Grachev, a man who was a member of Yeltsin's party and who, rightly or wrongly, last year called for Yeltsin's impeachment because he felt that the soldiers were not being given proper attention in Russia, which I think has been acknowledged by everyone. But because of his outspoken criticism, apparently he has been assassinated. That troubles me greatly; one, because he was a friend, and two, because you cannot tolerate those kind of high-level assassinations in a government of law.
     Page 68       PREV PAGE       TOP OF DOC    Segment 2 Of 2  

    I think what you have provided for us is a perspective from one agent as to some of the internal problems in Russia and the potential threat to the United States I would encourage people—and this is not an ad for your book—but I would mention, since you were so kind to come here and you are not being paid anything for this appearance, Through the Eyes of the Enemy, by Col. Stanislav Lunev, published by Regnery Press, coauthored by Ira Winkler who is also here today.

    We thank you for this perspective on your feelings, and I pledge that we will continue to work to have a stable relationship and one that helps the Russian people; not those bureaucrats, not the protected class, but rather the Russian people, so that we can live in peace together.

    With that, I would ask the audience and the media to allow you to leave first, so you can protect your identity, and once you have left the room, we will adjourn the hearing.

    Colonel LUNEV. Thank you, sir. Thank you very much.

    Mr. WELDON. The subcommittee hearing now stands adjourned.

    [Whereupon, at 12:30 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]

    "The Official Committee record contains additional material here."

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    "The Official Committee record contains additional material here."