tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3979688835140936812024-02-21T07:06:26.568+02:00Glavnoye Razvedyvatel'noye UpravleniyeGRUSntMartyrhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11197760281270769367noreply@blogger.comBlogger11125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-397968883514093681.post-63072805707827691682013-02-07T00:00:00.000+03:002013-03-07T22:18:35.513+03:00God and His Messiah Jesus Christ our Lord - our right and duty to witness to Him: Communist Trotskyite Fourth International Militarism<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<a href="http://1amendmentcont.blogspot.com/2012/11/communist-trotskyite-fourth.html">God and His Messiah Jesus Christ our Lord - our right and duty to witness to Him: Communist Trotskyite Fourth International Militarism</a><br />
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This is typical Communist Trotskyite Fourth International - Hegelian dialectic for Russian Supremacism using Iran's key geographic centrality in Eurasia and contrived flashpoint status as a potential for man made nuclear armageddon as a point of departure to project Russian militarism in the area. Its Communist base of historical thesis-antithesis of proposed (and quite false) pantheistic evolutionary history is classic Marxist-Engelian Anti-God theory long shown to be bloody nihilism and simply the starting place for bloody genocides from Russia to Europe to China to Africa to South America and Asia and the Middle East etc..<br />
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<a href="http://4pt.su/de/node/453">IRAN, ARYAN KINGDOM AND UNIVERSAL EMPIRE | The Fourth Political Theory</a><br />
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IRAN, ARYAN KINGDOM AND UNIVERSAL EMPIRE</h1>
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<a href="http://4pt.su/de/node/452" style="color: #9c4a33; text-decoration: none;">Come Carpentier de Gourdon</a></div>
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IRAN, ARYAN KINGDOM AND UNIVERSAL EMPIRE</h2>
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“All the early achievements of Mesopotamia, Syria, even Egypt can be traced to the Achaemenids; in turn their discoveries in medicine, mathematics, astronomy and science were passed on to Europe”.</div>
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Keeper, Department of the Ancient Middle East</div>
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The idea of Iran, as a federating civilization, both absorbing and prevailing over the ancient kingdoms of West and South Asia arises with the conquests and universal claims of Cyrus (Kurosh) the Great, the founder of the Achaemenid Empire in 549 B.C. but the great Median Kings, before him, had already laboured to unite the tribes of the Iranian plateau while throwing covetous glances at Assyria and Babylonia. Indeed the Mitannians, the Hittites and the Kassites, to mention three illustrious predecessors, had built mighty “Indo-Iranian” states (for want of a better cultural definition) in the Near East, several centuries before Cyrus. Indeed the Kassites ruled Babylonia during the second half of the second millennium BC.</div>
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Further back in history, it is now possible to trace the roots of Iranian civilization at least to the fourth millennium BC, and not, as was held so far in Mesopotamia, the supposed cradle of humanity hailed in the Bible, but much farther to the East, in what is today Kerman province, on the site of Jiroft which was only discovered in 2001, not far from the shores of the Persian Gulf, on the Halil river.</div>
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The Jiroft archeological remains are spread over a vast area of 400 kms by 300 kms and they do indeed pose a direct challenge to the theory of Sumer’s primacy as the motherlode of civilization since Jiroft’s society was well established, prosperous and sophisticated some 3000 BC and appears to have succeeded an even earlier culture dating back to the 6th millennium BC. As such it constitutes the “missing link” between the</div>
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Indus Valley and Beluchistan sites such as Mehrangarh to the East and the Zagros and Mesopotamian ones in the West, supporting the thesis that an ancient sea and land-based network of exchanges existed between South Asia and the Fertile Crescent, probably extending all the way to Egypt and Asia Minor since there is evidence of trade relations between these respective areas. There are many features of the Jiroft Civilisation that put it above Sumer in terms of both artistic refinement and social organisation. Significantly the Ziggurat discovered in Jiroft is the largest ever found and is at least a century older than its Mesopotamian parallels.</div>
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Objects found at the site have revealed a rich iconography of symbols such as the tree of life and the two-headed eagle, some of which are characteristic of later Iranian art while others later became familiar Biblical themes.</div>
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An even more striking feature of the Jiroft is the existence of a writing system as far back as the third millennium BC, more precisely around 2800 BC, which is earlier than the oldest tablets left by Sumerian civilization. The implications of those finds, taken together with other discoveries about the Indus and Sarasvati river cultures, spread out as far North as the Kashmir valley and modern day Afghanistan, are that “Civilization” may have traveled from East to West along the Sun’s path rather than blossoming first in the land of the Two Rivers of Genesis.</div>
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It has indeed been proposed that Jiroft is Aratta, the seven-gated city, the mythical land of origins of the Sumerians which they situated past many mountains to the Orient. The only name of a king of Aratta recorded in Sumerian literature, Ensukeshdanna or Ensukushsiranna, bears some analogy to the Inshusinak who was the chief god of the Elamites of Khuzestan, on the ancient site of Susa which later became the meridional capital of the Achaemenid Kings of Kings as Cyrus himself was originally the ruler of Anzan, part of old Elam. Some six centuries before Cyrus became lord over Babylon, the Elamite monarchs of Susa had plundered the city and taken away some of its fabled landmarks, including the famous Stela (kudurru) of Hammurabi, thereby laying claim to the succession of the Sumero-Chaldean paramount kings.</div>
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<strong>THE SEVEN CLIMES AND THE TWO HEADS</strong></div>
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One of the most constant references found in Iranian royal lore alludes to the seven climes of the world which are regions of both space and time and over which the universal monarch rules. The Iranian emperor is the “Lord of the Seven Regions” (keshwars) and he dwells in the central one, in the heart of the universal six-pointed star (which became known later as the Star of David) or Sun-shaped flower. For many centuries the central region of that heptarchy was seen as being located in today’s Iraq as the holy city of Babylon, with its major sanctuary of Baal Marduk, the Esagil –for more than a millennium a fount of sacred learning and initiation - regarded as the world’s navel since the days of Nabuchednazzar II at least, was adopted as capital by Cyrus and his successors.</div>
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Earlier heartland cities had been Ekbatan (Hamadan), Pasargadae and Persepolis (Takht I Jamshid), the sacred acropolises of the Median and Persian rulers. The later Arsacids and Sassanids made Ctesiphon (Madain), very near the future Baghdad their royal see, thus laying the ground for Baghdad to become the universal metropolis of the Abbasid Khalifs who claimed the cultural and geopolitical legacy of the Iranian Emperors.</div>
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Successive Persian dynasties which could generally not maintain their hold on Iraq tended to look to the province of Fars, the heartland of the first kingdoms of their forbears, as the centre of their world but they never seemed to be sure whether their remote ancestors had come from the Caucasus (Azerbaijan) or from the East of the Caspian Sea, beyond the Oxus and Iaxartes (Syr and Amu Darya). This ambiguity about the geographic cradle of the Iranian people and of the Zoroastrian religion has influenced national history in various ways and it accounts for Iran’s past and continuing attempts to define its identity in relation to North Western neighbours, such as Russia and Europe as a whole, with which it often claims a shared ‘Indo-Aryan” heritage, and also to the Eastern Turkic and Chinese peoples with which it has many centuries of tormented but fruitful relations.</div>
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<strong>THE CRUCIBLE AND THE SHINING SUN: FROM GREECE TO CHINA</strong></div>
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The Iranian empire was built over the centuries by a succession of horse riding, warrior clans (“Jowanmard”: knight on horseback, in Farsi), many of which came from the high plateaux spread between the Caspian and Aral seas. That appetite for far-flung conquests remained strong until the nineteenth century, amongst the descendents of the Sarmatians, Medians, Persians, Parthians, Alani and Scythians that combined to form the Iranian nation. From Greece in the West to South Asia whose Indus region was annexed by Darius the First, the Iranian culture continued to have an influence even when there was no powerful national state to assert its political presence. It has become more difficult, in the light of recent discoveries, to draw the line between the so-called semitic and indo- european languages and civilizations. Akkadian which was a “lingua franca” for the East and became one of the official languages of the Achaemenid empire seems to be related to most later Indo-European languages and, on the other hand, the southern areas of Iran, along the Persian Gulf and upto the mouth of the Tigris and Euphrates were inhabited in the middle of the second millennium BC by people that spoke proto-dravidian tongues such as the Elamite of Khuzestan, possibly related to the Brahui which has survived to this day in Beluchistan.</div>
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The many commonalities between the Vedic scriptures of India and the Avestan sacred texts of Iran need no repeating as they have been extensively documented. The Vedic kings of India conquered new dominions by following a stallion in its wanderings and staking their claim to any land where the charger ventured, a practice very similar to the Persian custom. In the great Indian epic Ramayana, the hero’s father King Dasaratha has as his second wife a princess Kaikeyi whose name suggests an Iranian origin as Persians were usually designated as “Kaikeyas” in ancient India, probably as an allusion to the legendary Kaikus dynasty. The lord of death and king of paradise (the other world: Paeri Daeza, Paradesa, Pardesh) is Yama in India and Yima (Jamshed) in Iran where he is also the father of mankind and the first winemaker, the alter ego of the Biblical Noah.</div>
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On the Persian side, Cyrus’s name “Kurus” is shared by one of the royal clans of India, the Kauravas, descended from King Kuru. Cambyses (Kambuja) is called like one of the Vedic and Puranic peoples of India, generally located by the ancient texts in the North and North West of the subcontinent (the Kingdom of Cambodia-Kamboja – in Indochina was said to have been founded by them). So many other analogies attest to a very ancient and long-standing kinship between the cultures that flourished between the Caucasus and the Ganges of which many modern Iranians and Indians remain keenly aware.</div>
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Persian influence many have been projected by the military equestrian aristocracy but it was in fact carried by its merchants and its famed scribes and scholars, an intellectual caste that excelled in administration, literature and also medicine. These were the men who made the name, the language, the literature, the music and the painting of Iran prevalent in Asia. The later Arab and Turkic overlords of Iran and its erstwhile domains had to rely on Persian intellectual power and knowledge to manage their states and often borrowed the language and the lifestyle of their subjects, as the ultimate symbol of learning and refinement.</div>
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Persian-speaking courts, versed in the fine points of poetry, horsemanship, calligraphy, gastronomy, wine drinking, astrology, alchemy and games such as chess flourished from Asia minor to Eastern Turkestan and from Northern Arabia to the Indian Deccan. Some of the greatest dynasties of the East, including the Seljukids and Ottomans of Turkey, the Ghaznavids of Afghanistan, the Khiljis, Tughlaqs, Suris, Lodhis and Mughals of Northern India, the Bahmanids, Adil, Barid and Qutub Shahis of South India, the Sultans of Bengal and the Timurids of Central Asia may not have been Iranian by blood but they adopted the Persian way of life and so did, after them, many of the Hindu royal houses of India, some of which were believed to descend from Persianized Scythian Ephtalite invaders and even (in the case of certain princes of Gujarat) from the Sassanid Imperial line itself. The fascination remained intact well into the XIXth century, when the native elite of British India and Osmanli Turkey still wrote and composed in Persian, on old Iranian themes, even though both Russia and Britain had by then turned the declining Qajar realm into an impoverished protectorate. Furthermore, seafarers and traders from India and Eastern Arabia carried the Persian influence as far as Malaysia and the Indonesian archipelago in the Middle Age.</div>
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The other fundamental but less known aspect of Iran’s farflung sway through the ages is its religious influence. The spiritual messages that spring from the ancient land of the Magi are wrapped in mystical secrecy (“Kitman” or ‘Sirr” in Arabic, covered by the famed “Taqiyya” or dissembling) and their followers have often been seen as sectarians who abide supra-rational calls but there is no denying the power and resilience of those creeds. Apart from Zoroastrianism, which is now as a very ancient reform of an even older Mazdean Indo-Iranian theology, based on the duality of “Ahuras” and “Daevas” (“Devas” and “Asuras” in Samskrt), we must recall that Zurvanism, Manicheism, the cult of the Yazidees of Sinjar, Mithraism (which literally invaded the latter Roman empire), the defunct schism of the Mazdakians, the Ismailian Shi’ism with its long-vanished militant “Assassin” version, the Qarmatian and Alevi denominations, “Twelver” Shi’ism which is Iran’s official religion since the XVIIth century, the Druz faith of Lebanon, the Mzab sect of North Africa, Babism and Baha’ism were all born in Iran or had Iranian sources.</div>
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The land that provided a hospitable refuge to the last Neoplatonists expelled from the Athens academy by the Byzantine emperors in the VIth century, has inherited many strands of NeoPlatonic and Neo-Aristotelian thought (both schools were generally not seen as distinct in the East) which became an integral part of its philosophical tradition and pervaded many of the Sufi tariqas (traditions) that arose in Persia between the IXth and XIXth centuries, including the Karramiya, Malamatiyya, Hakimiya, Melewi, Chishti, Naqshbandi, Bektashi, Alevi and the “Ishraqi” illuminationist followers of Suhravardi. This illustrious native of Suhravard in Iran, like several other revered figures of Islamic mysticism, such as Beyazid Bistami, Hallaj, Jalal ul Din Rumi and Jami or “Gnostic” poets as Firdowsi, Saadi, Jami, Hafiz and Ruzbehan Baqli could lay claim to an ethnic filiation with Salman Pak, the Persian friend and confidant of Prophet Muhammad who is regarded as the founder of Sufism according to many esoteric traditions.</div>
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The desire to build an ideal Platonic state has remained surprisingly vivid among Iranian religious scholars, usually by combining the Shi’ite gnostic revelation with Hellenic metaphysics. The contemporary Iranian constitution reflects in some of its provisions the lingering influence of Plato’s political thought.</div>
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As a footnote to this review, the enduring legacy of the Mazdean-Manichean doctrine of duality between light and darkness can be detected in the Iranian game of chess which symbolically illustrates the eternal struggle between the white and black forces in the universe. The game also carries traces of the Indo-European reverence for female power as the active energy (the queen of Chess) which dynamises the otherwise static but all- conscious male pole of creation (the Ishvara-Shakti pair). The struggle of dualistic opposites is very present in the theology and eschatology of Shi’ism.</div>
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Thus, in its strong tradition of statecraft and in its intellectual religious speculations and yearnings we find Iran’s twin guidelines for exercising its influence and defining its role in the world. The country has remained an Indo-European society in an Islamic garb, marked by the division between scholars, warriors and merchants-artisans, a triad resting on a vast peasant foundation. The nation is striving with its strategic assets to assert its regional preponderance and fight off encirclement from old and new rivals and foes such as Turkey, the Arab states, Israel and the US-British axis.</div>
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Those assets are the Shi’ite minorities in Lebanon, Syria, the Gulf nations and Central Asia, the Hazara of Afghanistan (which, with few interruptions has been under the Persian aegis, at least around Heart, known by both the Mughals and British rulers of India as the “gateway of Iran”), the Sarts of “ethnically” Persian Tajikistan and the “seveners” and “twelvers” of Pakistan. In India, where the Persian legacy remains strong and which is home to the world’s second largest Shi’ite community, the Kashmir valley calls itself “Iran Sagheer” (Little Iran) and on the side of the state occupied by Pakistan, Ismaili communities have also kept strong cultural ties to Persia.</div>
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Indeed, on all sides, Iran is hedged in by Sunni Turkish and Arab powers, which accounts for the siege mentality that the country tends to develop when a powerful enemy tries to reduce its might or break it up. From the Renaissance to the Industrial age, the Shahs, while keeping generally friendly relations with the Mughal Emperors of Hindustan tried to win western backers in order to hold the Ottoman Sultans at bay and sent several diplomatic missions to Europe to that effect, in keeping with the diplomatic axiom that “the enemy of my enemy is my friend”. Later they tried to fight off Russian encroachment with the help of Britain while staving off the imperial appetites of Britain by seeking the alliance of France. The enduring feeling of relative religious and political isolation in the Iranian ruling classes does indeed rest on an objective reality and plausibly justifies the alleged desire to acquire a nuclear deterrent.</div>
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The parting of ways between the increasingly secular and cosmopolitan but autocratic monarchy and the nationalist religious caste, largely supported by the middle class and the urban proletariate, led to the 1979 revolution and the subsequent overthrow of the Shah. The anti-British, pro-German policies followed by Reza Pahlevi the First, when Hitler ruled in Berlin reflected a desire to chart a modernist, secular path as the only genuinely “Aryan” nation, distinct from both the Communist ideology forced upon the Soviet Republics of Central Asia and the largely pro-British, pro-American conservatism of most Arab rulers at the time.</div>
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Unsurprisingly, London, Moscow and Washington all found the “rebellious” Iranian proclivities unacceptable and the Shah was sent in exile in 1947 after being forced to abdicate in favour of his eldest son. The Republican nationalist regime proclaimed by Muhammed Mossadegh in 1951 was also quickly overthrown with the support of the CIA which helped restore the young Reza Shah. The latter was generally content to act as a staunch ally of the Americans within CENTO of which Iran became the central pillar in 1955. Together with Turkey and Pakistan, Iran was part of that Asian extension of NATO, designed mostly to contain the USSR and prevent its feared march towards the warm waters of the Persian Gulf.</div>
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The USA and Israel helped build up and train the State secret’s police, the feared Savak which carried out rampant espionage and repression against both religious and leftist opponents of the monarchy. Apparently the CIA and the MOSSAD taught their Iranian students sophisticated techniques of interrogation, torture and murder though it is hard to believe that there was a dearth of local knowledge in those fields.</div>
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Nevertheless the policies followed by the Shah between the sixties and 1979, the year of his downfall should not be seen as uniformly and slavishly aligned with US interests. In keeping with Iran’s age-old tradition and sense of its destiny, Reza Pahlevi pursued a policy of regional leadership which caused misgivings to his neighbours as well as to his American “protectors”. His increasingly independent diplomacy, his rapprochement with the USSR, his assertive oil strategy within OPEC which led to the oil shock of 1974-75 caused dismay in western capitals and his endeavour to acquire nuclear power for both civilian and military uses aroused some suspicion though nobody at the time predicted that he might fall and be replaced by a fundamentalist anti-western, anti-Israeli regime.</div>
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Many in the White House and the State department concluded, when the throne began to shake, that it might be better to let the Iranian “dictator” go and try to build a satisfying equation with a successor republican regime more or less allied with the Shi’ite clergy.</div>
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The Khomeini-led revolution put paid to those misguided calculations when it turned out that the victorious religious leadership, buttressed by the relatively novel doctrine of “Velayat e Faghih” (rule of the theological scholars) was unwilling to share power with any of the more or less pro-American politicians or officers supported by Washington. Dogmatic authoritarianism which at least since the days of the Sassanid state, has been efficient in uprooting or marginalizing schismatic sects and heretical factions served the new Khomeini orthodoxy as it acted to sideline the ayatollahs and lesser clerics who disagreed with his interpretation of the role of the Howzah (the seminary) in the state. As a result the Qom school of political theology became supreme, despite the seniority of the Najaf and Karbala howzahs – more quietist by tradition - which were at the time severely restricted by Saddam Hussein’s dictatorship in Iraq.</div>
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<strong>GREKS, JEWS, ARABS AND TURKS: Neighbours, Foes and Partners.</strong></div>
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Iran defines itself in also through its turbulent , multifaceted and millenary interaction with four “nations” or ethnic groups. Greeks brought about in 490 BC at Marathon and ten years later at Salamis the first large-scale defeat for the Achaemenid armies, thereby blocking the expansion of the Persian Empire into Europe before taking over the throne of their remote Indo-European cousins through a series of expeditions, from Xenophon’s</div>
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10,000’s odyssey to Alexander’s campaign in the IVth century. Subsequently for</div>
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centuries the Iranian realm was ruled by Hellenized monarchs until the Parthian Arsacids reclaimed the throne of Cyrus in 256 BC but the Greek cultural and political legacy thrived under them and successor dynasties as was shown by several scholars such as F. Cumont and J. Bidez in their study of “Hellenized Magi” such as Zoroaster, Ostanes and Hystaspes.</div>
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Hebrews spread through the Middle East under Assyrian and Babylonian primacy but became allies of Cyrus and his descendents, establishing prosperous trade colonies in many of the cities of the Persian empire. They generally enjoyed the favour and protection of the Achaemenids whose Mazdean religion decisively influence “Post- Exilic” Judaism that took shape – as a clearly monotheistic unified faith that it had never been hitherto – when a colony led by Esdras and Zurobabel moved back to Palestine to rebuild Solomon’s temple, with the blessings of the “Great King”, in the Vth century BC.</div>
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Zoroastrian theology, angelology, cosmology and eschatology can be detected in later Judaism, particularly in the Babylonian Talmud, together with common Sumero- Chaldean borrowings. For instance the six “Ameshaspenta” of the Avesta turned into the seven archangels of the later books of the Old Testament, which name only four however. On the Iranian side, the traditional identification of many landmarks with sacred Biblical sites is a legacy of Islam but it echoes Iran’s self image as the second holy land which well before Messianic Judaism believed in the birth of the God sent Savior (the Saoshyant) in a cave under a holy mountain where the magi would come to worship him, under the guidance of a miraculous star, and proclaim him king of the three worlds.</div>
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The ancient connection with Jews was revived by Mohammed Reza Shah who established strong bonds with Israel, winning applause in the USA and Europe but putting another nail in his coffin by doing so as his Zionist leanings attracted upon him the hatred of the national religious leadership and of many Muslims at home and throughout the world.</div>
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The reaction that took place under Khomeini put Iran and Israel at loggerheads even though it is now well known that covert diplomacy and substantial trading in arms took place during the Iran-Iraq war when Tel Aviv saw an advantage in helping Tehran against a zealously Pro-Palestinian Baathist Iraq.</div>
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Now that Iraq has collapsed and that Iran is stronger than it has even been since the downfall of the monarchy, Israel is clearly interested in crushing the Islamic regime by overt or covert means and seeks to enlist the support of the West to reach that end, even hoping to garner Arab Sunni support behind the apparently uphill task to bring about a new dispensation in Iran, perhaps in the form of a restoration of the empire.</div>
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It is significant that one of the major Israelite religious holidays is Purim which commemorates the massacre of 75,000 Persians carried out in 356 BC B.C. at the behest of Queen Esther-favourite wife of Ahasuerus or Arthakshatra -and her uncle or cousin, the king’s Jewish adviser Mardocai in Susa, in retaliation for the policies of the disgraced anti-Hebrew Prime Minister Haman who is believed to have ordered the extermination of all Jews for treason, according to the Old Testament. Despite the generally symbiotic relationship between the ancient Iranians and the people of Israel there were times of conflict which modern Jews, as usual, remember much better than Iranians who have no particular tradition of anti-Judaism though they ancestrally tend to hold Semitic peoples in disdain. Let us not miss however the syncretistic and even symbolic significance of the Book of Esther who bears the name of the great Middle Eastern mother-goddess (Ishtar), represented as the planet Venus and whose relative is Mardoki (Marduk) the father god of Babylon. Even the name of the Persian King, Ahasuerus could be seen as a Hebraized form of the universal Indic deity Ishvara, a noun related to the Egyptian god Oser (Osiris for the Greeks). It is quite possible that the original story of Esther may have developed as a cosmological myth that was “evhemerized” by monotheistic IIVth century Jews into a historical event in order to reinforce the cohesion of their community by recalling the trials and threats that they had surmounted.</div>
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Arabs, who occupy the southern fringe of the Iranian homeland are, as is well known, descended from the Semitic tribes of Antiquity that partook in the early Middle Eastern religions and in its cultural melting pot. They were often satellites or subjects of the more powerful Persians who, under the greatest Sassanid Shahs even extended their direct rule to the Eastern Arabia and to the Southern shores of the Gulf until the rise of Islam sent waves of conqueror out of the peninsula. The defeat of the last Zoroastrian King of Kings in 642 AD was followed within a few years by the fall of his state to the Khalifs. Less than three centuries later though, the Iranian Buyyids had victoriously entered Baghdad and become protectors of the enfeebled and heavily persianized Abbasid emperors whose power had been steadily undermined by internecine struggles between Sunni and Shi’ite factions and by the subversive campaign –which we would today qualify as “terrorist” – waged by the Assassin community.</div>
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The rise of Ismaili Assassin power demonstrated once more the uncanny Iranian ability to build well organized clandestine movements dedicated to utopian messianic goals and hardened by fanatical zeal and ruthless military discipline, whereas the critical influence of ethnic Persians, such as the mighty Barmekid viziers, in the Abbasid court evinced the superiority of Iranian statecraft and administrative experience. Indeed it appears that at various times in history, leaders of Persian origin sought under the cover of schismatic Muslim doctrines to overthrow Arab rule and even orthodox Islam altogether. Prominent examples that come to mind include the Assassins themselves, the Qarmatians of Northern Arabia and Bahrein in the Xth century, the Druzes of Syria and the Alevi Qizylbash of Anatolia and Persia.</div>
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Insofar as that designation has any meaning in the Eastern context, Shi’ites have tended to place themselves on the left of the political spectrum vis-a-vis the Sunni conservative majority and in that sense, they have been a constantly revolutionary element which appealed to the poor and downtrodden sections of society, from Lebanon to India.</div>
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The formal reassertion of Iranian power over the Mesopotamian heartland of the Khalifal state turned out to be shortlived as the Turkic Seljukid invaders seized Baghdad in 1055 and took over the role of puppet masters for the figurehead khalifs. Henceforth Turco- Mongol tribes, bostered by the successive invasions of Ginghis Khan’s and Timur’s hordes, played a major role on the Persian plateau and in Anatolia for more than eight centuries. Even the great Kurdish-Iranian dynasty of the Savafids, the often successful rivals of the Ottomans, had to compose with the military might of the Turkmen (Oghuz) tribes that made up an important part of the army and feudal nobility, many rising from the lowly condition of “gholams” (slaves) or freebooters. One of them ended up dethroning the decadent Savafids to claim their place. The three following dynasties were hence ethnically Turkic. The country’s most populous and most developed province is Azerbaijan, inhabited by a Turkish-speaking majority and naturally still close to its former northern half which is now an independent nation after being conquered by the Czars and turned into a Soviet Republic by Lenin.</div>
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After his coup d’etat in 1925, General Reza Khan acted to eradicate Turkic influence on Iran, though he was paradoxically most influenced by Kemal Ataturk, the revolutionary modernizer of Turkey whom he regarded as a role-model. As part of his “Iranizing” policy, Reza Khan forbade by constitutional law ethnic Turks from occupying the Peacock Throne and tried to sift Turkic and Arabic words out of the national language, just as Ataturk was “de-arabizing” and “de-persianizing” the Turkish tongue by reviving archaic central Asian roots.</div>
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The nationalistic but westernizing revolution championed by the Pahlavis sought to revive many features of the ancient Persian civilisational and religious heritage and to weaken the hold of clerical Islam on society but its secular and elitists tendencies were seen as alien and decadent (Taghuti) by the devout middle classes and conservative rural masses on which the clergy’s influence was deep-rooted.</div>
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Iranian modern nationalism was partly shaped by the great Savafid kings but the Shi’ite religious hierarchy traditionally had been a bulwark for the poor against the highhandedness and corruption of the royal court and when Persian rulers fell under mounting foreign military and financial influence, the clergy was perceived by the masses as the champion of the country’s integrity and independence. Khomeini’s revolution hence appeared, even to the eyes of the irreligious or Leftist Iranian intellectuals, as an essentially patriotic popular reaction against the materialistic, hedonistic culture imported by the Shah’s police state, on behalf of the old British- American Imperialist “betes noires”.</div>
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Even though the monarchy was abolished by the bloody “reactionary” revolution of the Mullahs and with it, the Shah’s policy of global prestige, the pursuit of regional hegemony remains a constant for the Islamic Republic, deeply aware of the country’s historic preeminence and demographic preponderance in the Middle East and Central Asia.</div>
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Iranians are proud of the nation’s intellectual and scientific capital which remains impressive despite the massive brain drain from Iran that flooded some Arab states, Europe and North America in the wake of the Revolution and even much before that dramatic event. The modern Iranian emigrants and refugees who excel in many diverse fields bring to mind the Persian scholars, mystics, physicians, chemists, astronomers, travelers, businessmen, artists and poets who enriched the societies of Turkestan, China, India, Turkey, the Levant, Egypt, Arabia and even South East Asia since Antiquity.</div>
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Some of the most famous rank among the great minds who paved the way of mankind’s intellectual progress. They include Al Biruni, Al Farabi, Rhazes (Ar Razi) and Avicenna.</div>
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<strong>IRAN’S FUTURE</strong></div>
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Iran today stands at a crossroad of its history between two US or NATO occupied states (Iraq and Afghanistan) and other Western-dominated nations, including Pakistan, Azerbaijan and the Arab Gulf states, with its Israeli Nemesis ominously looming in the background and looking for every way possible to destabilize the Islamic Republic and bring the country down.</div>
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Tehran’s only friends of the moment, even if they are self-serving, lie to the North and North East across the Caspian since Turkey is not to be trusted in the light of history and geography. Indeed Russia and China have provided key support and will predictably continue to do so as they have major interests at stake in the country’s oil and gas reserves.</div>
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India, as a neighbour which shares with Iran an enduring antipathy to Pakistan, has traditionally had friendly ties with Iran which Tehran has cultivated, seeking in particular to revive the connection with the wealthy and prestigious Parsee community that has remained aware and proud of its original identity. However New Delhi’s current diplomatic involvement with the US has cast a shadow over that old and prized relationship and India cannot be depended upon by the IRI in the current tug of war between Iran and the West. Iran’s likely admission to the Shanghai Cooperation</div>
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Organization on the other hand will strengthen its coordination with the two major powers in Asia, China and Russia and may be the only recourse against a threatened US- Israeli attack on its territory.</div>
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By applying unrelenting pressure on Tehran, the Americans and their Jewish allies and surrogates may be unwittingly precipitating the birth of the Asian collective defence mechanism which they have dreaded ever since Russia began to recover from its socio- economic collapse and formed an alliance with China at the turn of the century.</div>
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The reaction to this geopolitical realignment from Washington has grown increasingly shrill recently and the leitmotiv was voiced once again by US Vice-President Cheney during his visit to Saudi Arabia in March 2008 when he said that “Iran was the main threat to the region”. The statement showed once more how the Vice-President is as lacking in humour as in the knowledge of geography since Iran is definitely the major country in the region and can hardly been regarded as an outsider while the US is an alien occupying and bullying intruder making no effort to disguise its colonial policies.</div>
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The Neoconservative advisers to the Bush administration made no mystery of their design to trigger a war between the Arab Gulf states backed by the USA and Iran which has added insult to injury to US interests by launching this year a non-dollar denominated Energy Bourse on the island of Qishm in the Persian Gulf after renouncing the Dollar as a currency to sell its oil and gas. However so far, the Gulf states led by Saudi Arabia have rejected the Zionist-inspired suggestion, realizing how dangerous it would be for them, and how devastating for the region, to attack a much more populous and far more battle- hardened and martial Iran.</div>
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Iran’s response has been to promote a joint regional security arrangement that would exclude foreign powers (read: the USA). Given the strategic reality, that proposal is a non-starter for now but it is hard to believe that the Muslim neighbours of the Islamic Republic do not see some merit to that plan, however suspicious they may be of the Tehran regime and of Iranians as a people.</div>
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It is irrefutable that one of the largest if not the largest investor in the economy of the booming United Arab Emirates is Iran and the financial clout of the Persian state and of its private businessmen in these days of high oil prices remains formidable, despite the sanctions and other penalties enforced by the Western powers. Tehran is thus not so short on options to plan the national future in its best interest. Here we will consider a few of them in the light of historical constants and contemporary developments.</div>
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<strong>IRAN AND TURKEY</strong></div>
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The Turkish Republic remains what the Ottoman Khalifate was: the main rival of Iran for supremacy in West Asia and a contender for influence in mainly Turkic Central Asia. The rise of the Islamic Party (AKP) of Prime Minister R. Tayyep Erdogan has not changed that geopolitical reality, made sharper by the Sunni-Shi’ah divide and the competing ambitions of Turkey and Iran on the border areas and States of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Uzbekistan and Kirghizia. Iraq is also a bone of contention between the two neighbours, particularly the Northern Kurdish zone which is ethnically and linguistically close to Iran but extends to the entire South-East of Turkey. Both Ankara and Tehran have fought long and bloody Kurdish insurrections.</div>
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If Iran has uncontestable advantage in the Southern Iraqi mostly Shi’ite area, Turkey is much more acceptable to its former Sunni subjects in the central region of Iraq which were during three and a half centuries vilayets of its empire. Though the two governments have held talks in 2006 and 2007 in order to address reciprocal misgivings, Turkey remains an ally of the West and maintains cordial relations with Israel but has now established a flourishing economic partnership with Russia and China which is of ill omen for the future of its equation with the USA and its traditional NATO allies. The AKP’s concept of Islam as a moderate factor in public life and national culture under a civilian government is quite different from the Iranian theocratic dispensation in which clerics stand above lay politicians and military officers.</div>
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Therefore there is no likelihood that the connection between the two republics will improve and it is more probable that future conflicts might erupt because of their rival claims in the region. One of the major incentives for building better relations though, is the great need of Turkey for oil and gas for which Iran is an obvious source that could reduce Ankara’s vulnerability to the endemic conflicts in Iraq and particularly in the Kurdish region through which the Iraqi pipelines enter its territory. Ankara cannot afford either to let Iran support its own Kurdish rebels in their war for secession and should hence try to cultivate Tehran’s friendship.</div>
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<strong>IRAN AND THE ARAB WORLD</strong></div>
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Much has been written about the ancestral hostility which lingers on between Persians and Arabs. However that general observation must be nuanced with the proviso that Arab Shi’ites tend to be politically as well as religiously close to Iranians, who claim the role of protectors for that minority community. Politically radical but religiously conservative Sunni movements such as the Palestinian Hamas or the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood are also in good terms with the Iranian theocracy, openly sympathetic to their struggle against “moderate” pro-Western Arab regimes. There is hence a foundation for Iran to exercise leadership in at least certain parts of the Arab world and to thereby stretch its influence from the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf. The kingdoms and sheikhdoms of the region are currently seeking to improve their relations with the Islamic Republic, with the hope of lessening the risk for unrest or insurrections from their domestic Shi’ite minorities. In the event of a catastrophic defeat and exit of the US armed forces from Iraq and Afghanistan, -an increasingly plausible outcome - a realignment of all those traditionally US-dependent states towards Iran would be expected, whether or not they undergo “regime change” as a result of the American debacle.</div>
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Few predict a multi-national Islamic federation or Khalifate led by Tehran to emerge in the coming years but Iran will most likely become the centre of an energy-rich regional alliance in the wake of its gradual annexation of Southern Iraq and of its strong relations with Russia. The pillar of such a league would probably be the “gas cartel” that Tehran, Moscow and a few other major producers are presently building.</div>
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<strong>IRAN AND EUROPE</strong></div>
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The relations between the Islamic Republic and of a European Union closely aligned with the US, whether by wish or under duress, are bound to be frigid but, despite the American caveat, some EU members have quietly moved to re-establish pragmatic business relations with Iran, mostly in the energy sphere. Austria which has maintained rather cordial ties with the Islamic Republic has signed an agreement to build a pipeline that will reach its territory after crossing Greece and the Balkans, before branching off to feed Western and Northern Europe. With Russia becoming the major energy-supplier to the EU and acting as an indispensable intermediary between Iran and the West, an economic and strategic rapprochement between the Union and the Russian Federation will certainly result from the rapid decline of the United States and facilitate the normalization of ties between the continent and the Islamic Republic that is much desired by the business leaders of the major EU states such as Germany, Poland, France and Italy.</div>
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<strong>IRAN AND THE USA</strong></div>
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The great enigma for “Iranologists” and for many Iranians at home and abroad is the future evolution of the almost thirty year-old conflict between the Islamic Republic and the American Government. Various periods of relative if more or less surreptitious improvement in their relations (at times mediated by Israel), especially during the Iran- Iraq war and during the First Gulf War of 1991 have led many to expect that a time would come when Tehran and Washington would find themselves again on the same side of the fence in their conflict with Sunni extremists or even with a resurgent and expansionistic Russian Federation.</div>
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The age-old connection between Jews and Persians has been invoked as a possible precedent for what now would appear to be an almost unnatural alliance, in the light of current geopolitics. Would, for instance, a fundamentalist anti-American revolution in an Arabia that might no longer be Saudi not prompt the Iranians and the Americans to come together against the common Sunni foes? Would not a like-minded Islamic mass uprising in politically fragile Turkey also lead to a convergence between Washington and Tehran?</div>
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Those are not implausible scenarii but so far Iran has every reason to edge out the US from its area of influence and gain pan-Islamic recognition as the leader in the fight against the Western colonizing crusaders, the champion of the Palestinians and the Nemesis of their Zionist US-backed oppressors. Furthermore a weakened, discredited and demoralized US is not an attractive ally for a rising challenger of the “status quo” like Iran and any tactical agreement between those rival claimants to regional hegemony is likely to be opportunistic and short-lived. In the long run anyway, the ancient paramount nation has a much stronger position in the Middle East than the over-extended and increasingly despised USA. On the other hand, without unflinching American military backing, Israel would quickly lose its status as a regional superpower and become highly vulnerable to coordinated attacks by non-state actors such as Hamas, Hezbollah and other battle-hardened guerilla forces supported by oil-rich states and individuals. If American and NATO forces cannot prevail in Iraq or Afghanistan, the Israeli Tsahal can hardly be expected to prevail indefinitely against effective multi-pronged bombing campaigns and commando operations.</div>
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<strong>CONCLUSION</strong></div>
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Iran is both a outwardly a fairly homogenous state, ethnically, culturally and religiously and internally a very diverse mosaic of peoples at the crossroads of the silk roads, with a civilization originally enriched by the great Elamite, Hittite, Sumero-Babylonian, Assyrian, Lydian and Egyptian states and later fertilised by Greek, Indian, Chinese, Jewish, Arabic and Turkish inputs. As a provider and a recipient of culture through the ages the nation is a crucible of influences that can present a puzzling and paradoxical face to strangers. The fabled Persian subtlety in diplomacy and inscrutability is proving to be a major challenge to those who would like to submit it to their power.</div>
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With its ability to play East against West, Islam against Judeo-Christianity, Turkey against the Arabs, Russia againt the EU or China against the USA, the Islamic Republic has taken the historical succession of the Arsacid, Sassanid and Safavid dynasties as a pivot between West and South Asia. On the North are energy-rich states and sprawling nuclear Russia with which Iran is forming a mutually beneficial economic and strategic compact. To the South are Arab petro-monarchies on which Tehran has an age-old influence that can only rise against waning US might. In the East, India and the other SAARC members are traditional trading and cultural partners with which its interaction is bound to increase. Iran’s expatriate and domestic intellectual and financial elite is highly westernized and provides a powerful bond between the nation and the Euro-American world. Some Iranian scholars, such as Rasool Nafisi and Ramin Jahanbegloo (in World Affairs, vol. 11, number 1, Spring 2007) believe that in the medium-term future the influence of fundamentalist religion in Iranian society is bound to recede to the background as the middle-class youth is increasingly secular and free-thinking or even agnostic in its outlook. These academics are convinced that the day of the theocratic regime are numbered and that the country will naturally on its own evolve into a “modern”, more open society, provided a US or NATO-led attack does not throw it into turmoil and trigger an inward-looking, nationalistic reaction, thus boosting extremist apocalyptic militancy.</div>
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Let us hope that for once the voices of wisdom will be heard in Washington and Tel Aviv. For better or for worse, Iran will continue to remain a keystone state in the global architecture and could unleash waves of violence throughout the world in self-defence but it can also, out of its treasure trove of esoteric gnosis, provide unique insights into religion, spirituality and science, on the basis of its complex and fascinating heritage. Magics is after all a semantic contribution of the Empire of the Rising Sun.</div>
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Come Carpentier de Gourdon</div>
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March 2008</div>
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COME CARPENTIER DE GOURDON is currently the Convener of the Editorial Board of the WORLD AFFAIRS JOURNAL, a quarterly publication dedicated to international issues, sponsored by the Kapur Surya Foundation (a co-sponsor of the “World Public Forum for Dialogue of Civilisations”) New Delhi, India.</div>
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<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin">Aleksandr Dugin - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia</a><br />
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<span dir="auto"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin">Aleksandr Dugin</a></span></h1>
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia</div>
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<table cellspacing="3" class="infobox vcard" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 3px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 3px; background-color: #f9f9f9; border-bottom-color: rgb(170, 170, 170); border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-left-color: rgb(170, 170, 170); border-left-style: solid; border-left-width: 1px; border-right-color: rgb(170, 170, 170); border-right-style: solid; border-right-width: 1px; border-top-color: rgb(170, 170, 170); border-top-style: solid; border-top-width: 1px; clear: right; color: black; float: right; font-size: 11px; line-height: 1.5em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0.5em; padding-bottom: 0.2em; padding-left: 0.2em; padding-right: 0.2em; padding-top: 0.2em; text-align: left; width: 22em;"><caption class="fn" style="font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold;">Aleksandr Gelyevich Dugin</caption><tbody>
<tr class=""><th scope="row" style="text-align: left; vertical-align: top;">Born</th><td class="" style="vertical-align: top;">7 January 1962 <span class="noprint ForceAgeToShow">(age 50)</span><br />
<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moscow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Moscow">Moscow</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_Soviet_Federative_Socialist_Republic" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic">Russia</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_Union" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Soviet Union">Soviet Union</a></td></tr>
<tr class=""><th scope="row" style="text-align: left; vertical-align: top;">Region</th><td class="" style="vertical-align: top;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russia" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Russia">Russia</a></td></tr>
<tr class=""><th scope="row" style="text-align: left; vertical-align: top;">Main interests</th><td class="" style="vertical-align: top;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sociology" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Sociology">Sociology</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geopolitics" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Geopolitics">geopolitics</a>,<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philosophy" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Philosophy">philosophy</a></td></tr>
<tr class=""><th scope="row" style="text-align: left; vertical-align: top;">Notable ideas</th><td class="" style="vertical-align: top;">Neo-<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eurasianism" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Eurasianism">Eurasianism</a></td></tr>
<tr class=""><th scope="row" style="text-align: left; vertical-align: top;">Institutions</th><td class="" style="vertical-align: top;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moscow_State_University" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Moscow State University">Moscow State University</a></td></tr>
<tr class=""><th scope="row" style="text-align: left; vertical-align: top;">Website</th><td class="" style="vertical-align: top;"><span class="url"><a class="external text" href="http://www.arcto.ru/" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">www.arcto.ru</a></span></td></tr>
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<b>Aleksandr Gelyevich Dugin</b> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_language" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Russian language">Russian</a>: <span lang="ru" xml:lang="ru">Алекса́ндр Ге́льевич Ду́гин</span>, born 7 January 1962) is a <a class="mw-redirect" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Politologist" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Politologist">politologist</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Traditionalist_conservatism" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Traditionalist conservatism">traditionalist</a>, and one of the most popular <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ideology" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Ideology">ideologists</a> of the creation of an Eurasian empire that would be against the North Atlantic interests. He is also well known for his proximity to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fascism" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Fascism">fascism</a>,<sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-1" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-1" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[1]</a></sup><sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-2" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-2" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[2]</a></sup><sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-3" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-3" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[3]</a></sup><sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-4" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-4" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[4]</a></sup> he has had close ties to the Kremlin and Russian military.<sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-Dunlop_5-0" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-Dunlop-5" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[5]</a></sup> He was the leading organizer of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Bolshevik_Party" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="National Bolshevik Party">National Bolshevik Party</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Bolshevik_Front" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="National Bolshevik Front">National Bolshevik Front</a>, and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eurasia_Party" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Eurasia Party">Eurasia Party</a>. His political activities are directed toward restoration of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_Empire" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Russian Empire">Russian Empire</a> through partitioning of the former Soviet republics, such as <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georgia_(country)" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Georgia (country)">Georgia</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ukraine" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Ukraine">Ukraine</a>, and unification with Russian-speaking territories, especially <a class="mw-redirect" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eastern_Ukraine" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Eastern Ukraine">Eastern Ukraine</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Crimea" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Crimea">Crimea</a>.<sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-6" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-6" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[6]</a></sup><sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-7" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-7" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[7]</a></sup> He is known for the book <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foundations_of_Geopolitics" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Foundations of Geopolitics">Foundations of Geopolitics</a>.</div>
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Contents</h2>
<span class="toctoggle" style="-webkit-user-select: none; font-size: 11px;"> [<a class="internal" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#" id="togglelink" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;">hide</a>] </span></div>
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<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-1" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#Early_life_and_education" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;"><span class="tocnumber">1</span> <span class="toctext">Early life and education</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-2" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#Early_career_and_political_views" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;"><span class="tocnumber">2</span> <span class="toctext">Early career and political views</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-3" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#Formation_of_The_Eurasia_Movement" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;"><span class="tocnumber">3</span> <span class="toctext">Formation of The Eurasia Movement</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-4" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#Dugin.27s_works" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;"><span class="tocnumber">4</span> <span class="toctext">Dugin's works</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-5" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#See_also" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;"><span class="tocnumber">5</span> <span class="toctext">See also</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-6" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#References" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;"><span class="tocnumber">6</span> <span class="toctext">References</span></a></li>
<li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-7" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#External_links" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;"><span class="tocnumber">7</span> <span class="toctext">External links</span></a></li>
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<span class="editsection" style="-webkit-user-select: none; float: right; font-size: 13px; margin-left: 5px;">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Aleksandr_Dugin&action=edit&section=1&editintro=Template:BLP_editintro" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Edit section: Early life and education">edit</a>]</span><span class="mw-headline" id="Early_life_and_education">Early life and education</span></h2>
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Dugin was born in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moscow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Moscow">Moscow</a>, into a family of a colonel-general of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="GRU">Soviet military intelligence</a> and <a class="mw-redirect" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Candidate_of_Science" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Candidate of Science">candidate of law</a> Gelij Alexandrovich and Galina, a doctor and candidate of medicine.<sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-Literaturnaya_8-0" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-Literaturnaya-8" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[8]</a></sup> In 1979 he entered the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Moscow_Aviation_Institute" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Moscow Aviation Institute">Moscow Aviation Institute</a>.</div>
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<div class="rellink boilerplate seealso" style="font-style: italic; margin-bottom: 0.5em; padding-left: 1.6em;">
See also: <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foundations_of_Geopolitics" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Foundations of Geopolitics">Foundations of Geopolitics</a></div>
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Dugin worked as a journalist before becoming involved in politics just before the fall of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communism" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Communism">communism</a>. In 1988 he and his friend <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geydar_Dzhemal" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Geydar Dzhemal">Geydar Dzhemal</a> joined the nationalist group<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pamyat" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Pamyat">Pamyat</a>. He helped to write the political program for the newly refounded <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communist_Party_of_the_Russian_Federation" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Communist Party of the Russian Federation">Communist Party of the Russian Federation</a> under the leadership of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gennady_Zyuganov" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Gennady Zyuganov">Gennady Zyuganov</a>.<sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-Dunlop_5-1" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-Dunlop-5" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[5]</a></sup></div>
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In his 1997 article <i>“Fascism – Borderless and Red”</i>, Dugin exclaimed the arrival of a “genuine, true, radically revolutionary and consistent, fascist <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fascism" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Fascism">fascism</a>” in Russia. He believes that it was <i>"...by no means the racist and chauvinist aspects of <a class="mw-redirect" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Socialism" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="National Socialism">National Socialism</a> that determined the nature of its ideology. The excesses of this ideology in Germany are a matter exclusively of the Germans, ...while Russian <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fascism" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Fascism">fascism</a> is a combination of natural national conservatism with a passionate desire for true changes."</i>.<sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-Andreas_9-0" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-Andreas-9" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[9]</a></sup>"<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Waffen-SS" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Waffen-SS">Waffen-SS</a> and especially the scientific sector of this organization, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahnenerbe" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Ahnenerbe">Ahnenerbe</a>," was "an intellectual oasis in the framework of the National Socialist regime", according to him.<sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-Andreas_9-1" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-Andreas-9" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[9]</a></sup></div>
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Dugin soon began publishing his own journal entitled <i>Elementy</i> which initially began by praising Franco-Belgian <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean-Fran%C3%A7ois_Thiriart" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Jean-François Thiriart">Jean-François Thiriart</a>, supporter of a Europe "from Dublin to Vladivostok." Consistently glorifying both <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tsar" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Tsar">Tsarist</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Stalin" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Joseph Stalin">Stalinist</a> Russia, <i>Elementy</i> also revealed Dugin's admiration for <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Julius_Evola" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Julius Evola">Julius Evola</a>. Dugin also collaborated with the weekly journal <i>Den</i> (The Day), a bastion of Russian <a class="new" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Anti-Cosmopolitanism&action=edit&redlink=1" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #ba0000; text-decoration: none;" title="Anti-Cosmopolitanism (page does not exist)">anti-Cosmopolitanism</a> previously directed by <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Prokhanov" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Alexander Prokhanov">Alexander Prokhanov</a>.<sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-Dunlop_5-2" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-Dunlop-5" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[5]</a></sup></div>
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Dugin was amongst the earliest members of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Bolshevik_Party" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="National Bolshevik Party">National Bolshevik Party</a> (NBP) and convinced <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eduard_Limonov" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Eduard Limonov">Eduard Limonov</a> to enter the political arena in 1994. A part of hard-line nationalist NBP members, supported by Dugin split off to form the more right-wing, anti-liberal, anti-left, anti-<a class="mw-redirect" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kasparov" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Kasparov">Kasparov</a> aggressive nationalist organization, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Bolshevik_Front" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="National Bolshevik Front">National Bolshevik Front</a>. After breaking with Limonov, he became close to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yevgeny_Primakov" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Yevgeny Primakov">Yevgeny Primakov</a> and later to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vladimir_Putin" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Vladimir Putin">Vladimir Putin</a>'s circle.<sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-10" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-10" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[10]</a></sup></div>
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<span class="editsection" style="-webkit-user-select: none; float: right; font-size: 13px; margin-left: 5px;">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Aleksandr_Dugin&action=edit&section=3&editintro=Template:BLP_editintro" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Edit section: Formation of The Eurasia Movement">edit</a>]</span><span class="mw-headline" id="Formation_of_The_Eurasia_Movement">Formation of The Eurasia Movement</span></h2>
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The <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eurasia_Party" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Eurasia Party">Eurasia Party</a>, later <a class="mw-redirect" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eurasia_Movement" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Eurasia Movement">Eurasia Movement</a>, was officially recognized by the Ministry of Justice on May 31, 2001.<sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-Dunlop_5-3" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-Dunlop-5" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[5]</a></sup> The Eurasia Party claims support by some military circles and by leaders of the Orthodox Christian, Muslim, Buddhist, and Jewish faiths in Russia, and the party hopes to play a key role in attempts to resolve the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chechnya" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Chechnya">Chechen</a> problem, with the objective of setting the stage for Dugin's dream of a Russian strategic alliance with European and Middle Eastern states, primarily <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iran" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Iran">Iran</a>. Dugin's ideas, particularly those on "a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turkic_peoples" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Turkic peoples">Turkic</a>-<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slavic_peoples" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Slavic peoples">Slavic</a> alliance in the Eurasian sphere" have recently become popular among certain nationalistic circles in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turkey" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Turkey">Turkey</a>, most notably among alleged members of the <a class="mw-redirect" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ergenekon_network" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Ergenekon network">Ergenekon network</a>, which is the subject of a high-profile trial (on charges of conspiracy). Dugin also advocates for a Russo-Arab alliance.<sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-11" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-11" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[11]</a></sup></div>
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<tr><td style="border-bottom-style: none; border-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-right-style: none; border-top-style: none; border-width: initial; color: #b2b7f2; font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 35px; font-weight: bold; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-left: 10px; padding-right: 10px; padding-top: 10px; text-align: left; vertical-align: top; width: 20px;">“</td><td style="border-bottom-style: none; border-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-right-style: none; border-top-style: none; border-width: initial; padding-bottom: 4px; padding-left: 10px; padding-right: 10px; padding-top: 4px; vertical-align: top;">In principle, Eurasia and our space, the heartland Russia, remain the staging area of a new anti-bourgeois, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Americanism" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Anti-Americanism">anti-American revolution</a>." ..."The new <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_Empire" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Russian Empire">Eurasian empire</a> will be constructed on the fundamental principle of the common enemy: the rejection of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atlanticism" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Atlanticism">Atlanticism</a>, strategic control of the USA, and the refusal to allow <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberalism" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Liberalism">liberal</a> values to dominate us. This common civilizational impulse will be the basis of a political and strategic union.</td><td style="border-bottom-style: none; border-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-right-style: none; border-top-style: none; border-width: initial; color: #b2b7f2; font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif; font-size: 35px; font-weight: bold; padding-bottom: 10px; padding-left: 10px; padding-right: 10px; padding-top: 10px; text-align: right; vertical-align: bottom; width: 20px;">”</td></tr>
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<cite style="font-style: normal;">—<i>The Basics of Geopolitics</i> (1997)</cite></div>
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He has criticized the "Euro-Atlantic" involvement in the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ukrainian_presidential_election,_2004" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Ukrainian presidential election, 2004">2004 Ukrainian presidential election</a> as a scheme to create a "<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cordon_sanitaire" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Cordon sanitaire">cordon sanitaire</a>" around Russia, much like the British attempt post-<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="World War I">World War I</a>.</div>
<div style="line-height: 1.5em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; margin-top: 0.4em;">
Dugin has criticized Putin for the "loss" of Ukraine, and accused his Eurasianism of being "empty." In 2005 he announced the creation of an anti-Orange youth front to fight similar threats to Russia. The <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eurasian_Youth_Union" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Eurasian Youth Union">Eurasian Youth Union</a> created and sponsored by Dugin was accused of vandalism and extrimist activities. The organization was banned in Ukraine by the courts and Alexander Dugin was declared <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Persona_non_grata" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Persona non grata">persona non grata</a> due to his anti-Ukrainian activities.<sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-12" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-12" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[12]</a></sup><sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-13" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-13" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[13]</a></sup></div>
<div style="line-height: 1.5em; margin-bottom: 0.5em; margin-top: 0.4em;">
Before <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2008_South_Ossetia_war" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="2008 South Ossetia war">war broke out</a> between <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russia" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Russia">Russia</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georgia_(country)" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Georgia (country)">Georgia</a> in 2008, Dugin visited <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_Ossetia" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="South Ossetia">South Ossetia</a> and predicted, "Our troops will occupy the Georgian capital Tbilisi, the entire country, and perhaps even Ukraine and the Crimean Peninsula, which is historically part of Russia, anyway."<sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-14" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-14" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[14]</a></sup> Afterwards he said <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russia" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Russia">Russia</a> should "not stop at liberating South Ossetia but should move further," and "we have to do something similar in Ukraine."<sup class="reference" id="cite_ref-15" style="font-style: normal; line-height: 1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_note-15" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none; white-space: nowrap;">[15]</a></sup></div>
<h2 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; border-bottom-color: rgb(170, 170, 170); border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 1px; color: black; font-size: 19px; margin-bottom: 0.6em; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; overflow-x: hidden; overflow-y: hidden; padding-bottom: 0.17em; padding-top: 0.5em;">
<span class="editsection" style="-webkit-user-select: none; float: right; font-size: 13px; margin-left: 5px;">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Aleksandr_Dugin&action=edit&section=4&editintro=Template:BLP_editintro" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Edit section: Dugin's works">edit</a>]</span><span class="mw-headline" id="Dugin.27s_works">Dugin's works</span></h2>
<ul style="line-height: 1.5em;">
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><i>Pop-kultura i znaki vremeni</i>, Amphora (2005)</li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><i>Absoliutnaia rodina</i>, Arktogeia-tsentr (1999)</li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><i>Tampliery proletariata: natsional-bol'shevizm i initsiatsiia</i>, Arktogeia (1997)</li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><i>Osnovy geopolitiki: geopoliticheskoe budushchee Rossii</i>, Arktogeia (1997)</li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><i>Metafizika blagoi vesti: Pravoslavnyi ezoterizm</i>, Arktogeia (1996)</li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><i>Misterii Evrazii</i>, Arktogeia (1996)</li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><i>Konservativnaia revoliutsiia</i>, Arktogeia (1994)</li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><i><a class="external text" href="http://epop.ru/sub/trash/book/konspy.html" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">Conspirology</a></i> <span class="languageicon" style="color: #555555; font-size: 0.95em; font-weight: bold;">(Russian)</span></li>
</ul>
<h2 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; border-bottom-color: rgb(170, 170, 170); border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 1px; color: black; font-size: 19px; margin-bottom: 0.6em; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; overflow-x: hidden; overflow-y: hidden; padding-bottom: 0.17em; padding-top: 0.5em;">
<span class="editsection" style="-webkit-user-select: none; float: right; font-size: 13px; margin-left: 5px;">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Aleksandr_Dugin&action=edit&section=5&editintro=Template:BLP_editintro" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Edit section: See also">edit</a>]</span><span class="mw-headline" id="See_also">See also</span></h2>
<ul style="line-height: 1.5em;">
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eurasianism" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Eurasianism">Eurasianism</a></li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intermediate_Region" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Intermediate Region">Intermediate Region</a></li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eurasian_Youth_Union" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Eurasian Youth Union">Eurasian Youth Union</a></li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foundations_of_Geopolitics" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Foundations of Geopolitics">Foundations of Geopolitics</a></li>
</ul>
<h2 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; border-bottom-color: rgb(170, 170, 170); border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 1px; color: black; font-size: 19px; margin-bottom: 0.6em; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; overflow-x: hidden; overflow-y: hidden; padding-bottom: 0.17em; padding-top: 0.5em;">
<span class="editsection" style="-webkit-user-select: none; float: right; font-size: 13px; margin-left: 5px;">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Aleksandr_Dugin&action=edit&section=6&editintro=Template:BLP_editintro" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Edit section: References">edit</a>]</span><span class="mw-headline" id="References">References</span></h2>
<div class="reflist" style="font-size: 12px; list-style-type: decimal; margin-bottom: 0.5em;">
<ol class="references" style="font-size: 12px; line-height: 1.5em; list-style-image: none; list-style-type: inherit; margin-bottom: 0.5em; margin-left: 3.2em; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0.3em; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;">
<li id="cite_note-1" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-1" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Anton Shekhovtsov, "<a class="external text" href="http://northampton.academia.edu/AntonShekhovtsov/Papers/114767/The_Palingenetic_Thrust_of_Russian_Neo-Eurasianism_Ideas_of_Rebirth_in_Aleksandr_Dugins_Worldview" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">The Palingenetic Thrust of Russian Neo-Eurasianism: Ideas of Rebirth in Aleksandr Dugin’s Worldview</a>", <i>Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions</i>, Vol. 9, No. 4 (2008), pp. 491-506.</span></li>
<li id="cite_note-2" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-2" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Anton Shekhovtsov, "<a class="external text" href="http://northampton.academia.edu/AntonShekhovtsov/Papers/120422/Aleksandr_Dugins_Neo-Eurasianism_The_New_Right_a_la_Russe" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">Aleksandr Dugin’s Neo-Eurasianism: The New Right à la Russe</a>", <i>Religion Compass: Political Religions</i>, Vol. 3, No. 4 (2009), pp. 697-716.</span></li>
<li id="cite_note-3" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-3" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Alan Ingram, "<a class="external text" href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0962-6298(01)00043-9" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">Alexander Dugin: Geopolitics and Neo-Fascism in Post-Soviet Russia</a>", <i>Political Geography</i>, Vol. 20, No. 8 (2001), pp. 1029-1051.</span></li>
<li id="cite_note-4" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-4" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Stephen Shenfield, <i>Russian Fascism: Traditions, Tendencies, Movements</i> (Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, 2001), p. 195.</span></li>
<li id="cite_note-Dunlop-5" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink">^ <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-Dunlop_5-0" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1em;"><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-Dunlop_5-1" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1em;"><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-Dunlop_5-2" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1em;"><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-Dunlop_5-3" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1em;"><i><b>d</b></i></sup></a></span> <span class="reference-text"><a class="external text" href="http://www.princeton.edu/lisd/publications/wp_russiaseries_dunlop.pdf" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/23/Icons-mini-file_acrobat.gif); background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 18px; text-decoration: none;">Aleksandr Dugin's Foundations of Geopolitics</a> by John B. Dunlop</span></li>
<li id="cite_note-6" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-6" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Robert Horvath, <a class="external text" href="http://www.theage.com.au/opinion/beware-the-rise-of-russias-new-imperialism-20080820-3yw6.html?page=-1" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">Beware the rise of Russia's new imperialism</a>, <i>The Age</i>, August 21, 2008</span></li>
<li id="cite_note-7" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-7" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a class="external text" href="http://www.echo.msk.ru/programs/personalno/532383-echo/" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">His interview</a> at <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Echo_of_Moscow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Echo of Moscow">Echo of Moscow</a> <span class="languageicon" style="color: #555555; font-size: 0.95em; font-weight: bold;">(Russian)</span></span></li>
<li id="cite_note-Literaturnaya-8" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-Literaturnaya_8-0" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><span class="citation web" style="word-wrap: break-word;"><a class="external text" href="http://www.litrossia.ru/2007/15/01412.html" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">"Доктор Дугин"</a>. Литературная Россия<span class="reference-accessdate">. Retrieved 18 March 2012</span>.</span> <span class="languageicon" style="color: #555555; font-size: 0.95em; font-weight: bold;">(Russian)</span></span></li>
<li id="cite_note-Andreas-9" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink">^ <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-Andreas_9-0" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1em;"><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-Andreas_9-1" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;"><sup style="line-height: 1em;"><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a></span> <span class="reference-text">Andreas Umland, <a class="external text" href="http://arama.hurriyet.com.tr/arsivnews.aspx?id=-627970" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">Will United Russia become a fascist party?</a>, <i><a class="mw-redirect" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turkish_Daily_News" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Turkish Daily News">Turkish Daily News</a></i>, Tuesday, April 15, 2008</span></li>
<li id="cite_note-10" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-10" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">Jeffrey Mankoff, <i>Russian Foreign Policy: The Return of Great Power Politics</i>, Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2009, p.66-67</span></li>
<li id="cite_note-11" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-11" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><span class="citation news" style="word-wrap: break-word;"><a class="external text" href="http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fgw-dugin4-2008sep04,0,2871108.story?page=1" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">"Russian nationalist advocates Eurasian alliance against the U.S."</a>. <i><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Los_Angeles_Times" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Los Angeles Times">Los Angeles Times</a></i>. 2008-09-04<span class="reference-accessdate">. Retrieved 2008-11-14</span>.</span></span></li>
<li id="cite_note-12" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-12" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">"<a class="external text" href="http://novynar.com.ua/politics/10949" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">SBU singled out people responsible for Hoveral attack</a>" (in Ukrainian). <i><a class="new" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Novynar&action=edit&redlink=1" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #ba0000; text-decoration: none;" title="Novynar (page does not exist)">Novynar</a></i>. 20 October 2007.</span></li>
<li id="cite_note-13" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-13" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text">"<a class="external text" href="http://www.cacianalyst.org/?q=node/4928" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">NEO-EURASIANIST ALEXANDER DUGIN ON THE RUSSIA-GEORGIA CONFLIC</a>" . <i>Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Analyst</i>. 3 September 2008.</span></li>
<li id="cite_note-14" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-14" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><a class="external text" href="http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,574812,00.html" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">Road to War in Georgia: The Chronicle of a Caucasian Tragedy</a>, Spiegel, August 25, 2008.</span></li>
<li id="cite_note-15" style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Dugin#cite_ref-15" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;">^</a></b></span> <span class="reference-text"><span class="languageicon" style="color: #555555; font-size: 0.95em; font-weight: bold;">(Russian)</span> <a class="external text" href="http://www.echo.msk.ru/programs/personalno/532383-echo/" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">Interview with Alexander Dugin</a>, Ekho Moskvy, August 8, 2008.</span></li>
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<h2 style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; border-bottom-color: rgb(170, 170, 170); border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 1px; color: black; font-size: 19px; margin-bottom: 0.6em; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; overflow-x: hidden; overflow-y: hidden; padding-bottom: 0.17em; padding-top: 0.5em;">
<span class="editsection" style="-webkit-user-select: none; float: right; font-size: 13px; margin-left: 5px;">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Aleksandr_Dugin&action=edit&section=7&editintro=Template:BLP_editintro" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Edit section: External links">edit</a>]</span><span class="mw-headline" id="External_links">External links</span></h2>
<ul style="line-height: 1.5em;">
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a class="external text" href="http://www.evrazia.info/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=1882" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">Biography</a>, <a class="external text" href="http://www.evrazia.info/index.php?newlang=english" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">International Eurasianist Movement</a> {several languages}</li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a class="external text" href="http://www.arctogaia.com/public/eng/" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">Arctogaia</a> <span class="languageicon" style="color: #555555; font-size: 0.95em; font-weight: bold;">(English)</span> <span class="languageicon" style="color: #555555; font-size: 0.95em; font-weight: bold;">(German)</span> <span class="languageicon" style="color: #555555; font-size: 0.95em; font-weight: bold;">(Italian)</span></li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a class="external text" href="http://www.geocities.com/eurasia_uk/index.html" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">Eurasia Movement</a> (<a class="external text" href="http://www.webcitation.org/5kmWRI8VR" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">Archived</a> 2009-10-25) <span class="languageicon" style="color: #555555; font-size: 0.95em; font-weight: bold;">(English)</span></li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;">Yigal Liverant, <a class="external text" href="http://azure.org.il/article.php?id=483" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">"The Prophet of the New Russian Empire"</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Azure_(magazine)" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: none; background-origin: initial; color: #0645ad; text-decoration: none;" title="Azure (magazine)"><i>Azure</i></a> (Winter 2009).</li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a class="external text" href="http://www.wilsoncenter.org/topics/pubs/OP294.pdf" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/23/Icons-mini-file_acrobat.gif); background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 18px; text-decoration: none;">"Aleksandr Dugin: A Russian Version of the European Radical Right?"</a></li>
<li style="margin-bottom: 0.1em;"><a class="external text" href="http://www.eurasia-rivista.org/" rel="nofollow" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(data:image/png; background-origin: initial; background-position: 100% 50%; background-repeat: no-repeat no-repeat; color: #3366bb; padding-right: 13px; text-decoration: none;">Eurasia, rivista di studi geopolitici</a> <span class="languageicon" style="color: #555555; font-size: 0.95em; font-weight: bold;">(Italian)</span></li>
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: white; color: #555555; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 16px;"><a href="http://1amendmentcont.blogspot.com/search/label/Communist%20Trotskyite%20Fourth%20International%20Militarism" rel="tag" style="color: #5588aa; text-decoration: none;">Communist Trotskyite Fourth International Militarism</a></span><br />
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<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: white; color: #555555; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 16px;"><a href="http://1amendmentcont.blogspot.com/search/label/Gaia" rel="tag" style="color: #5588aa; text-decoration: none;">Gaia</a></span><br />
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: white; color: #555555; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 16px;"><br /></span>
<span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: white; color: #555555; font-family: Georgia, serif; font-size: 16px;"><a href="http://1amendmentcont.blogspot.com/search/label/Iran" rel="tag" style="color: #5588aa; text-decoration: none;">Iran</a></span><br />
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DoxaMichaelhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02108327951424273074noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-397968883514093681.post-76453241038539532802012-09-14T05:00:00.006+03:002012-09-15T20:43:07.194+03:00Spy vs. Spy: The KGB vs. the CIA<span class="Apple-style-span"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: silver;"><table border="0" cellspacing="1" style="width: 100%px;"><tbody><tr><td colspan="3" width="100%"><div align="center"></div></td></tr><tr><td colspan="3" width="100%"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjvLQkctVuFrL5z8xHT8j1PGols0VITCx7x-UI5W3WpMXnT-5wT1arm-i_qorZ-khm-zhUgzcol3RgL3dhdAiqkLWXpbogAdf00qje6bcl_A83hA5dwJ3ZOj7N8otgmnr9mkOQP7KaiDEE/s1600/4.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="219" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjvLQkctVuFrL5z8xHT8j1PGols0VITCx7x-UI5W3WpMXnT-5wT1arm-i_qorZ-khm-zhUgzcol3RgL3dhdAiqkLWXpbogAdf00qje6bcl_A83hA5dwJ3ZOj7N8otgmnr9mkOQP7KaiDEE/s320/4.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">1961 Illustration from the Original Mad Magazine Cold War "Comic" Spy versus Spy - a spoof with a meaning - notice the empty negotiation table at the end - that intent on both sides was predetermined. Cold War "diplomats" were only an extension of the Shadow Intelligence Agencies that control all of the so called diplomatic channels. Nothing has changed today. The truth is that at the top level they report to the One Square Mile - London. From there the information goes to Tel Aviv and the Mossad.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">Go back to the empty negotiation table - that is from the Biblical Book of Daniel, 11th Chapter, and the deception that the Antichrist will wage against the righteous at the end of the age by false promises of peace, over and over ad nauseam. That is the Zionist Communist dialectic of Kissinger and the rest of the Judaist operatives in governments throughout the world. There is NO peace to the unrighteous. They will bring only havoc upon themselves and the rest of the world.</div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div align="center"><span style="color: teal;"><b><br /></b></span></div><div align="center"><div style="text-align: left;"><span style="color: teal;"><b><a href="http://www.videofact.com/english/cia_kgb.html">Spy vs. Spy: The KGB vs. the CIA</a></b></span></div><span style="color: teal;"><b><br /></b></span> <span style="color: teal;"><b>Spy vs. Spy: The KGB vs. the CIA </b></span><span style="font-family: Arial; "><b>by Vladislav M. Zubok</b> Cold War International History Project, </span><span><i><span style="font-family: Arial;"><em>CWIHP Bulletin</em> 4 (Fall 1994): 22-33,</span></i></span></div></td></tr><tr><td colspan="3" width="100%"><div align="center"><br /></div><div></div><ul><li><div align="left"><span style="font-family: Arial; "><b>The KGB reports to Khrushchev</b></span></div></li><li><div align="left"><span style="font-family: Arial; "><b>The Hunt for Allen Dulles</b></span></div></li><li><div align="left"><span style="font-family: Arial; "><b>The Crisis in Berlin...and in the KGB</b></span></div></li><li><div align="left"><span style="font-family: Arial; "><b>Scorpions in a bottle</b></span></div></li><li><div align="left"><span style="font-family: Arial; "><b>Notes</b></span></div></li></ul><span class="Apple-style-span"><span>;The crisis years; of 1960-1962 are remembered as a peak of the Cold War, an apogee of the bipolar confrontation. Many consider them even more dangerous than the Korean War, when the military forces of West and East clashed and almost slipped into a global conflict. The early 1960s were all the more frightening since the two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, were engaged in a fierce nuclear arms race, and two more states, Great Britain and France, had developed small nuclear arsenals of their own. By the end of the period the edge in this race clearly belonged to the United States such that, at the height of the Cuban Missile Crisis, Washington had at least nine times as many deliverable nuclear warheads as Moscow.1</span> After the summer of 1961 the Kennedy administration was perfectly aware of that fact, but, nevertheless, sweeping Soviet progress in ICBMs soon eliminated the impregnability of ;fortress America; forever. The loss of strategic invulnerability weighed as heavily on the American psyche as had the loss of the atomic monopoly (and China) in 1949. And, as before, this agitated state of mind offered fertile ground for spy-hysteria. This time, however, it did not reach the proportions of McCarthyism, but remained localized in government offices where cold warriors, especially true believers among them, began to talk again about a ;master plan; of the Kremlin and the KGB to delude and disrupt the Western alliance in preparation for a decisive showdown between the two Cold War blocs. Some of them, most prominently James J. Angleton, head of the CIA's counterintelligence department, tenaciously denied the reality of the Sino-Soviet split as a ;hoax; designed to lull the West into complacency. Angleton, along with a Soviet defector, KGB major Anatoly Golitsyn, also believed that there was a KGB mole inside the CIA's Soviet Division, and that Soviet intelligence was assiduously planting its illegals and agents, primarily displaced persons from Eastern Europe and Russia, in various high-placed positions in the West. They even claimed that former British Labour party leader Hugh Gaitskell had probably been murdered by the KGB, that his successor, Harold Wilson, was probably a KGB asset, and that the famous double agent Oleg Penkovsky, a GRU (Soviet military intelligence) colonel, was also a Soviet plant.2<br /><br />The seemingly wild surmises of an American counterintelligence officer become more understandable as we learn more about the strange ;behind the mirror; world of spying, double-agents, and deliberate disinformation in which huge and well-funded rival intelligence services clashed with no holds barred. Intelligence at any time is a necessary and valuable instrument of a state's foreign policy. But in the years of Cold War tension the intelligence services were more than just ;eyes,; they were powerful weapons in propaganda warfare between the ideological blocs. Furthermore, in a situation of mutual fear produced by the nuclear deadlock, when mammoth armies confronted each other in Europe and around the world, intelligence networks were the only mobile force in action, the ;light infantry; of the Cold War: conducting reconnaissance, but also trying to influence the situation in the enemy's rear by means sometimes just short of military ones. The plans and instructions related to operational work and intelligence sources, in particular involving planting agents abroad and using double-agents, justifiably belong to the most zealously guarded secrets of intelligence bureaucracies. But recently, thanks to the collapse of the Soviet Union, historians have acquired a rare chance to peek into the mysteries of one of the two intelligence giants of the Cold War--documents of the Committee on State Security (KGB). These are not papers of the First Main Directorate (PGU), which was responsible for foreign intelligence and which continues under the new regime in Russia and, of course, preserves its secrecy (although some of its former officers, Oleg Kalugin, Leonid Shebarshin, and Vadim Kirpichenko among them, have recently written memoirs3). The documents in question were sent by the KGB to the Secretariat and the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CC CPSU), whose archives, unlike those of the KGB, have in part at least become accessible to scholars and the public.4<br /><br />For all their fascination, the internal KGB documents cited in this article should also be treated with a good deal of caution. They contain references to events, plans, individuals, and explicit or implicit relationships that are uncorroborated and should be carefully investigated and cross-checked with other evidence before their accuracy and significance can be confidently gauged. Many of the assertions contained in the documents will require, in particular, collation with relevant materials in the archives of other governments and intelligence agencies, especially the CIA, and analysis by specialists in the history of intelligence. Many names in the documents are transliterated from the Russian after being transliterated from other languages, and the spelling may not be accurate. Moreover, in assessing reports by KGB leaders to Khrushchev, readers should recall the tendency of bureaucrats in any government to exaggerate capabilities or accomplishments to a superior, a provoclivity that may be accentuated when, as in this period, there is intense pressure to produce results. Finally, in addition to remembering the lack of systematic access to KGB and CIA archives, those who evaluate the documents that <i>do</i> become available must keep in mind that evidence on crucial matters may have been deliberately destroyed, distorted, fabricated, or simply never committed to paper. All of these caveats should simply serve as reminders that however revealing these materials are, much additional research will be needed before a balanced and informed evaluation of the role of intelligence agencies and activities in the Cold War, on all sides, can be attained.<br /><br /><b>The KGB reports to Khrushchev<br /></b><br />On 14 February 1961, Nikita S. Khrushchev received an annual report of the KGB marked ;Top Secret--Highly Sensitive.;5 Only Khrushchev could decide who among the top Soviet leadership might see the report, in which the Collegium of the KGB informed him as the First Secretary of the CC CPSU and as a Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR about the achievements of Soviet foreign intelligence during 1960. In this period, Khrushchev was told, 375 foreign agents were recruited, and 32 officers of the State Security were transferred abroad and legalized. The stations abroad obtained, among others, position and background papers prepared by Western governments for the summit conference in Paris in May 1960, including materials on the German and Berlin questions, disarmament, and other issues. They also provided the Soviet leadership with ;documentary evidence about military-political planning of some Western powers and the NATO alliance as whole; [...] on the plan of deployment of armed forces of these countries through 1960-63; evidence on preparation by the USA of an economic blockade of and military intervention against Cuba;--the last a possible allusion to preparations for the forthcoming April 1961 CIA-supported invasion by anti-Castro Cuban exiles at the Bay of Pigs.6<br /><br />The sheer numbers conveyed the vast extent of information with which the KGB flooded the tiny group of Soviet leaders. During one year alone it prepared and presented 4,144 reports and 68 weekly and monthly informational bulletins to the Party's Central Committee and the USSR Council of Ministers; 4,370 documentary materials were sent to Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko; 3,470 materials to Defense Minister Rodion Malinovsky and the Head of the General Staff Alexander Vassilevsky; and 790 materials to other ministries and agencies.7<br /><br />Soviet foreign intelligence appeared to have been particularly successful in ;sigint; (signals intelligence) operations. The sprawling Service of Radio Interception and Code-Breaking of Diplomatic and Agent-Operational Communications of the Capitalist Countries, the innermost part of the KGB empire (analogous to the U.S. National Security Agency), managed to break many diplomatic and intelligence codes. During 1960 it reported deciphering 209,000 diplomatic cables sent by representatives of 51 states, and the most important among them--133,200--were reported to the CPSU Central Committee. The Kremlin therefore apparently eavesdropped on some of the West's most classified communications. True, there were clouds on the horizon. The enemy became increasingly sophisticated and difficult to penetrate. The Directorate of Counterintelligence confronted, according to the annual report, ;serious difficulties; in 1960. ;The adversary goes to great lengths,; the KGB complained. ;For instance, the Committee noticed cases when the enemy's intelligence officers met their agents on a beach and secretly exchanged materials while swimming. If it happens on a beach, they would lie close by, pretend they do not know each other and dig their materials in the sand, and then cautiously extract them.; There were more serious challenges than the ;beach; method. U.S. intelligence, the KGB found, began to use a new type of heavily-protected codes. They wrote on a very thin (papirosse-type) paper prepared specifically for this purpose. Also a special plane was constructed in the USA to bring illegal agents to the USSR. ;Since this plane is made of rubber-layered tissue,; the report said, ;and can conduct flights at low altitudes, it has practically no chance, according to our experts, of being located by existing radar stations.;8<br /><br />With the life of KGB officers and agents in the United States becoming increasingly rough due to the effectiveness of J. Edgar Hoover's FBI and harsh restrictions on travel for Soviet journalists and diplomats, the Committee tried to exploit the increasing trickle of Soviet visitors to the United States to include its operatives and agents. Another channel was sending younger KGB officers, Oleg Kalugin among them, as graduate and post-graduate students to Columbia, Harvard, and other American universities. Yet nobody could replace illegals. The KGB in 1960 began to move its ;sleepers; in other countries to the United States ;with the aim of planting them in a job in American intelligence or intelligence schools.; One priority was ;to insert KGB agents as professors of Russian, Latvian, Estonian and Lithuanian languages in the language school of USA military intelligence in Monterey,; California.9<br /><br />The report distinguished between old and new priorities of Soviet foreign intelligence. An old one was to ferret out, in competition with the GRU <i>(Glavrazvedupr)</i> or military intelligence, Western plans for rearmament and NATO's level of combat readiness. New efforts were targeted, first, at scientific-technical espionage and, second, at elaborate propaganda and disinformation campaigns. The former had proved to be a stupendous success in the 1940s, when the Soviets obtained detailed information on the wartime Anglo-American atomic bomb project, and it continued to be important as Cold War sanctions and barriers cut the Soviets off from Western technologies and industrial machinery. During 1960, the KGB's scientific-technical intelligence service reported that it stole, bought, and smuggled from the West 8,029 classified technologies, blueprints, and schemas, as well as 1,311 different samples of equipment.10 A special target in this regard was, of course, the United States. On 7 April 1960, the Central Committee had directed the KGB to prepare a ;prospective working plan of the intelligence service of the Committee of State Security at the Council of Ministers against the United States of America.;11 The plan, presented on 10 March 1961, postulated a wide array of measures.12 Among them were efforts to insinuate agents into U.S. scientific-technical centers, universities, industrial corporations, and other institutions specializing in missile building, electronics, aircraft, and special chemistry. The KGB planned to use ;third countries; as a springboard for this penetration campaign. Its agents in Great Britain, France, West Germany, and Japan were to worm their way into scientific, industrial, and military research and consulting institutions of these countries with access to American know-how or subcontracting to U.S. military agencies. Agents residing in England, Austria, Belgium, West Germany, and Israel were instructed to move to the United States with the goal of finding jobs in the military-industrial sector. It also planned to organize ;on the basis of a well-screened network of agents; several brokerage firms in order to obtain classified scientific-technical information and ;to create conditions in a number of countries for buying samples of state-of-the-art American equipment.; One such firm was to be opened in the United States, one in England, and two in France. The KGB also prepared to open in a European country a copying center that would specialize copying blueprints and technical documentation in the fields of radioelectronics, chemistry, and robotics.13<br /><br />Some orthodox anti-communists in the CIA, known as the fundamentalists, were tipped off by the Soviet defector Golitsyn about an alleged KGB ;monster plot; to create a strategic web of deception. According to Golitsyn, the KGB's new chairman, Alexander Shelepin, the energetic and imaginative former leader of Young Communist League, revealed this plot in May of 1959 to the KGB establishment. Golitsyn even maintained, contrary to all evidence and logic, that the political and military split between China and the USSR after 1959 was a fake, just a facet of Shelepin's diabolical master plan.14<br /><br />There was no such ;master plan; in the KGB. But under Shelepin the Committee indeed hatched several schemes of strategic and tactical deception: to conceal Soviet intentions and weak spots from the West, as well as to disrupt consensus in Western societies and alliances on policies, means, and goals for waging the Cold War. In the plan presented to the Central Committee on 10 March 1961, mentioned above, for example, the KGB proposed ;to carry out disinformation measures on the information that American intelligence obtains about the Soviet Union; to pass along the channels of American intelligence disinformation on economic, defense, and scientific-technical issues; to disinform the USA intelligence regarding real intentions of Soviet intelligence services, achieving thereby the dispersion of forces and means of the enemy's intelligence services.;15 The deception went side by side with blunt slander campaigns and forgery. In its 1960 report, the KGB took pride in operations carried out to compromise ;groupings and individuals from the imperialist camps most hostile towards the USSR.; The Committee publicized in the West 10 documentary pieces of dis-information, prepared in the name of state institutions and government figures of capitalist countries, and 193 other disinformation materials. The KGB took credit for staging a number of rallies, marches, and pickets in the United States, Japan, England, and other countries. It claimed to be instrumental in engineering 86 inquiries of governments and presentations in parliaments and 105 interviews of leading figures in these countries. In addition it asserted that it had helped organize 442 mass petitions to governments, distributed 3.221 million copies of various leaflets, and published abroad 126 books and brochures ;unmasking aggressive policies of the USA; and its allies, as well as 3,097 articles and pieces in the media. The Committee reported that it had instigated all this through 15 newspapers and magazines on the KGB payroll.16<br /><br />During the early Cold War and later, both U.S. and Soviet intelligence services used penetration, deception, and propaganda to groom potential allies and neutralize enemies on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Each had a record of successes and failures during the 1950s. The KGB successfully played on French suspicions of West German militarism to frustrate ratification of the European Defense Community (EDC), the Western plan to create a ;European army.; The CIA had its own triumph in Iran by overthrowing Prime Minister Mossadeq and opening the way for conversion of that country into a mainstay of Western defense structures in the Middle East for a generation. But U.S. intelligence failed during the 1950s to establish a network of influence in Eastern Europe, not to mention the Soviet Union itself. The KGB even in 1960 acted under the impression that it could do better in the United States, using the growing fatigue with the Dulles-Eisenhower hard line and growing public support for U.S.-Soviet rapprochement. The Committee pledged, in accord with its April 1960 instruction, to establish closer contacts with liberal Democrats in the U.S. Congress and to encourage them ;to step up their pressure for improvement of relations between the USA and the Soviet Union and for settlement of international problems through negotiations.; The KGB concentrated its propaganda efforts, it reported, on ;left-wing trade unions, Quakers, pacifist, youth and other social organizations,; and was even ready ;to provide those organizations and some trusted individuals with the needed financial assistance in a clandestine way.;17<br /><br />According to the plan, the KGB proposed to subsidize the ;American progressive publishing house 'Liberty Book Club' in order to publish and disseminate in the USA and other capitalist countries books prepared at our request.;18 The experiment seemed to promise further successes, since the KGB intended to internationalize it by opening club affiliates in England, Italy, and Japan. In a spirit of innovation, demonstrated in those years, the Committee also ;studied the possibility of using a major American public relations agency for the distribution in the USA of truthful information about the Soviet Union.;19 These and similar undertakings required a lot of money, and some KGB operatives like Konon Molody (Gordon Arnold Lonsdale) were encouraged to engage in lucrative businesses in the West and then funnel the profits into KGB foreign accounts.20<br /><br />A special division of the KGB was busy fabricating disinformation on the production in the United States of chemical and bacteriological weapons and the development of new means of mass destruction. Faked documents, innuendo, and gossip were used to undercut U.S. positions and influence among delegations of Afro-Asian and Latin American countries in the United Nations and ;to promote disorganization of the American voting machine in the structures of the UN.; There were even attempts to sidetrack tariff talks among Western countries and ;to use financial difficulties of the United States for strengthening of mistrust in the dollar.; On the KGB's list of targets in the propaganda warfare campaign were all the predictable suspects: U.S.-led regional alliances (NATO, SEATO, and CENTO) and U.S. military bases abroad, all denounced as tools for American meddling into the internal affairs of host countries. The Committee also contemplated a terrorist strike at Radio Liberty and the Soviet Studies Institute in Munich ;to put out of order their equipment and to destroy their card indexes.; Inside the United States this warfare was to be spearheaded against the U.S. Information Agency (USIA), a counterpart of the KGB psychological warfare division, and ;the reactionary militarist group in U.S. ruling circles - [Nelson] ROCKEFELLER, [Lauris] NORSTAD, A. DULLES, E. [J. Edgar] HOOVER, as well as their allies in pushing an aggressive course in other countries.;21<br /><br />One name on the hit list was that of Allen W. Dulles, experienced in the espionage trade since the late 1930s and since 1953 presiding over the Central Intelligence Agency.22 In 1960-1961, Dulles became the chief target of the KGB's vendetta.<br /><br /><b>The Hunt for Allen Dulles<br /></b><br />The Dulles brothers had long inspired complex feelings inside the Soviet leadership. Time and again Vyacheslav Molotov and then Nikita Khrushchev betrayed an apprehension of them bordering on respectful awe. Khrushchev, in his typical manner, even engaged personally in a semi-public feud with Allen Dulles boasting that he read his briefing papers prepared for President Eisenhower and found them ;boring.; The Soviet leaders had some reasons to believe that their sources of ;humint;--;human intelligence; garnered from agents and illegals--were many times greater than those of their American adversary. After a flurry of defectors following Stalin's death, the political and military intelligence apparatus had been reorganized, and its discipline and morale seemed to be restored. But the lull proved short-lived. From the mid-fifties onward Khrushchev's policies of reducing the KGB empire and curbing its operatives' privileges produced a new spate of treason. The response was ruthless: a new head of the First Main Directorate (PGU), Alexander Sakharovsky, reportedly took draconian measures to root out a plague of ;defecting;; he personally pushed for operations designed to eliminate post-Stalin ;traitors; Aleksandr Orlov, Vladimir Petrov, and Piotr Deriabin who had fled to the West and cooperated with Western counterintelligence.23 (Evidently all three operations failed or were abandoned, since none of the three defectors was assassinated.) Until the spring of 1960, Soviet foreign intelligence had reasons to believe it had a sound edge over its American counterpart. During 1960, Soviet operatives, together with ;friends; from East European security forces, reportedly penetrated Western embassies in Eastern Europe on 52 occasions. They succeeded in illegally smuggling to the USSR five U.S. intelligence officers. They had a high-placed mole in the British counterintelligence MI5--George Blake--another one in NATO headquarters in Brussels, and many lesser ones. But Allen Dulles had struck back with a new technological breakthrough: U-2 planes and then reconnaissance satellites to overfly and photograph the USSR. Shelepin sounded the alarm and in September 1959, during Khrushchev's visit to the United States, he sent a memo to the Department of Defense Industry of the Central Committee proposing a program to monitor the U.S. satellite ;Discoverer.; He proposed to obtain ;directly and by agents; the data on frequency ranges used by transmitters on these satellites. Ivan Serbin, head of the Department, agreed that the issue was grave enough and sent Shelepin's memo for consideration to the Commission on military-industrial issues at the Council of Ministers.24<br /><br />In fact, the U.S. space reconnaissance program produced a minor panic among Soviet academics who consulted for the KGB. Two of them, Academician L.I. Sedov and doctor of physics and mathematics G.S. Narimanov, warned in September 1959 that the ;Discoverer; satellites could be successfully used by the Americans for military and intelligence purposes, ;to put out of work our defense installations with electronic equipment over a large territory.; With the help of satellite equipment, Shelepin reported, from a height of 200-300 km it would be possible efficiently to photograph stretches of the Earth of 50-90 km in width and 150,000 km in length.25<br /><br />In other words, the KGB alerted the Soviet leaders in a timely fashion to the coming intelligence revolution. Khrushchev's reaction to the downing of an American U-2 seven months later, in May 1960, was, therefore, anything but surprise. The political slight, and even humiliation, that Khrushchev saw in this affair to himself and his country provoked his furious response. He disrupted the summit in Paris and irreparably ruined his relations with Eisenhower.26 But in his opinion the U.S. president, though he accepted responsibility for the intelligence flights, merely shielded the real culprit: Allen Dulles. So Khrushchev, his considerable venom concentrated on the debonair socialite spymaster, evidently asked Shelepin to prepare a plan to discredit the CIA chief. Three weeks after Khrushchev's return from Paris, Shelepin's plan was formally approved by the Secretariat of the Central Committee. The document,27 printed below, offers an extraordinary window into the state of mind and the methods of Soviet intelligence at the height of the Cold War confrontation with the United States: [Handwritten note across top: ;To the Secretariat [for signatures] (round the clock28 among the secretaries) [--] M. Suslov, N. Mukhitdinov, O. Kuusinen;29]<br /><br /></span><div align="right"><span class="Apple-style-span"><span><u>USSR</u></span> <u>Top Secret</u></span></div><span class="Apple-style-span"><span>Committee of State Security <u>Council of Ministers of the USSR</u></span><br />7 June 1960<br /></span><div align="center"><span>CC CPSU30</span></div><div align="center"><span><br /></span></div><span class="Apple-style-span"><span>The failure of the intelligence action prepared by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) with the plane ;Lockheed U-2; caused an aggravation of existing tensions between the CIA and other USA intelligence services and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and also provoked protests by the American public and certain members of the Congress, who are demanding investigation of the CIA activities. The Committee of state security considers it advisable to make use of this newly complex situation and to carry out the following measures targeted at further discrediting CIA activity and compromising its leader Allen DULLES: 1. In order to activate a campaign by DULLES' political and personal opponents: a) to mail to them anonymous letters using the names of CIA officials criticizing its activity and the authoritarian leadership of DULLES; b) to prepare a dossier which will contain publications from the foreign press and declarations of officials who criticized the CIA and DULLES personally, and to send it, using the name of one of members of the Democratic Party, to the Fulbright Committee [the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations] which is conducting an investigation into CIA activities in relation to the failure of the summit; c) to send to some members of Congress, to the Fulbright Committee, and to the FBI specially prepared memos from two or three officials of the State Department with attached private letters, received (allegedly) from now deceased American diplomats, which would demonstrate CIA involvement in domestic decision-making, the persecution of foreign diplomats who took an objective stand, and which also would point out that, for narrow bureaucratic purposes, the CIA puts deliberately false data into information for the State Department; d) to study the possibility and, if the opportunity presents itself, to prepare and disseminate through appropriate channels a document by former USA Secretary of State F. DULLES, which would make it clear that he exploited the resources of A. DULLES as leader of the CIA to fabricate compromising materials on his private and political adversaries; e) to prepare, publish and disseminate abroad a satirical pamphlet on A. DULLES, using the American writer Albert KAHN who currently stays in Moscow to write the pamphlet.31<br /></span><br />2. With the aim of further exposing the activities of American intelligence in the eyes of the public and to create preconditions with which the FBI and other USA intelligence services could substantiate their opinion about the CIA's inability to conduct effective intelligence: a) to fabricate the failure of an American agent ;Fyodorov,; dropped in the Soviet Union by plane in 1952 and used by organs of the KGB in an operational game with the adversary. To publish in the Soviet press an announcement about the arrest of ;Fyodorov; as an American agent and, if necessary, to arrange a press-conference about this affair; b) to agree with Polish friends about the exposure of the operational game led by the organs of the KGB along with the MSS PPR [Ministry of State Security of the Polish People's Republic] with a ;conduit; on the payroll of American intelligence of the Organization of Ukrainian nationalists (OUN)- ;Melnikovists.; To this end to bring back to Poland the Polish MSS agent ;Boleslav,; planted in the course of this game on the OUN ;conduit,; and to arrange for him to speak to the press and radio about subversive activity by American intelligence against the USSR and PPR. To arrange, in addition, for public appearances by six American intelligence agents dropped on USSR and PPR territory as couriers of the ;conduit; in the course of the game; c) to suggest to the security bodies of the GDR that they arrange public trials for the recently arrested agents of American intelligence RAUE, KOLZENBURG, GLAND, USCH-INGER and others. To arrange for wide coverage of the trials' materials in the media of the GDR and abroad; d) to disclose the operational game ;Link; that the KGB conducts with the adversary and to organize public statements in the media aimed at foreign audiences by the agent ;Maisky,; a former commander of the ;security service; of the Foreign <i>[Zakordonnikh chastei]</i> OUN (ZCh OUN), who had been transferred to Ukrainian territory in 1951 and used by us for this game. Along with revelations about the anti-people activity of the ZCh OUN, ;Maisky; will reveal American and British intelligence's use of the anti-Soviet organizations of Ukrainian emigration in subversive work in the Soviet Union; e) Since about ten agents of the MSS of the GDR who ;defected-in-place; to American intelligence have accomplished their missions and currently there is no prospect of their being further utilized, it should be suggested to our German friends to stage their return on the basis of disagreement with USA aggressive policies. In particular, this measure should be carried out with the participation of our friends' agent ;Edelhardt; who had been assigned by an affiliate of American intelligence in West Berlin to gather spy information during his tourist trip around the USSR. To organize one or two press-conferences on these affairs with a demonstration of the spy equipment he received from American intelligence; f) to discuss with our Polish and Albanian friends the advisability of bringing to the attention of governmental circles and of the public of the United States the fact that the security agencies of Poland and Albania for a number of years had been deluding American intelligence in the operational games ;Win; and ;John; and had obtained millions of dollars, weapons, equipment, etc. from it. 3. To utilize, provided our Hungarian friends agree, the American intelligence documents they obtained in <u>the U.S. mission</u> in <u>Budapest</u> [the underlined words were inserted by hand--ed.] to compromise the CIA and to aggravate the differences between the CIA and other intelligence services by publicizing some of the documents or by sending them to the FBI. If necessary, the necessary documents should be forged using the existing samples. 4. In order to create mistrust in the USA government toward the CIA and to produce an atmosphere of mutual suspicion within the CIA staff, to work out and implement an operation creating the impression of the presence in the CIA system of KGB agents recruited from among rank-and-file American intelligence officers, who, following their recruitment, admit their guilt, allegedly on the order of Soviet intelligence. To stage for this purpose a relevant conversation within range of a [CIA] listening device, as well as the loss of an address book by a Soviet intelligence officer with the telephone number of a CIA official; to convey specially prepared materials to the adversary's attention through channels exposed to him, etc. 5. To work out and implement measures on blowing the cover of several scientific, commercial and other institutions, used by the CIA for its spy activities. In particular, to carry out such measures with regard to the ;National Aeronautics and Space Administration; [NASA] and the ;Informational Agency; of the USA [U.S. Information Agency (USIA)]. 6. In order to disclose the subversive activities of the CIA against some governments, political parties and public figures in capitalist countries, and to foment mistrust toward Americans in the government circles of these countries, to carry out the following: a) to stage in Indonesia the loss by American intelligence officer PALMER, who is personally acquainted with President SUKARNO and exerts a negative influence on him, a briefcase containing documents jointly prepared by the MFA [Ministry of Foreign Affairs] of the USSR which apparently belong to the CIA station in Jakarta and which provide evidence of USA plans to utilize American agents and rebel forces to overthrow the government of SUKARNO;32<br /><br />b) to carry out measures, with regard to the arrest in February of this year in the UAR [United Arab Republic] of a group of Israeli intelligence agents, to persuade the public in the UAR and Arab countries that American intelligence is linked to the activities of those agents and coordinates its work in the Arab East with Israeli intelligence. To compromise, to this end, American intelligence officers KEMP and CONNOLLY who work under cover of the UN commission observing the armistice in Palestine; c) to prepare and implement measures to make public the fact that American intelligence made use of the Iranian newspapers ;Fahrman; and ;Etelliat,; specifically mentioning the names of their agents (Abbas SHAHENDEH, Jalal NEMATOLLAKHI); d) to publish articles in the foreign press showing the interference of American intelligence in the domestic affairs of other states, using as an example the illegal American police organization in Italy, found and liquidated at the end of 1959, that ;worked on; Italian political parties under the direction of one of the diplomats at the American embassy; e) to prepare and publicize a document by an American intelligence officer in Japan Robert EMMENSE in the form of a report to the USA ambassador [to Japan Douglas] MACARTHUR [II] into which information will be inserted about a decision allegedly taken by American intelligence to relocate ;Lockheed U-2; planes temporarily to Japan, and then, in secrecy from the Japanese government, to return them to their old bases. 7. To work out measures which, upon implementation, would demonstrate the failure of the CIA efforts to actively on a concrete factual basis use various émigré centers for subversive work against countries in the socialist camp. In particular, using the example of the anti-Soviet organization ;The Union of the Struggle for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia; (SBONR), to discredit in the eyes of American taxpayers the activities of American intelligence in funding émigré organizations. To bring to light, along with other measures, real or forged American intelligence documents on its finances and guidance of subversive activities of the SBONR. 8. With the means available of the KGB to promote inquiries in the parliaments of England, France and other countries of their governments about their attitude to the hostile actions of USA intelligence intended to aggravate international tension. 9. To arrange public appearances by distinguished public and political figures of the East and West with appropriate declarations denouncing the aggressive activity of American intelligence. 10. To prepare and publish in the bourgeois press, through available means, a number of articles on the activities of the CIA and its leaders on the following questions: a) about how A. DULLES used his position to promote his own enrichment. In particular, to demonstrate that DULLES gets big bribes from the ;Lockheed; corporation for allocating contracts to produce reconnaissance planes. To indicate that the source of this information is the wife of a vice-president of ;Lockheed; corporation and well-known American pilot Jacqueline COCHRAN, who allegedly leaked it in France on her way to the USSR in 1959; b) about the CIA's violation of traditional principles of non-partisanship on the part of the USA intelligence service. To demonstrate that in reality the CIA is the tool of reactionary circles in the Republican Party, that it ignores the Senate, the Congress and public opinion in the country; c) about the unjustifiably large expenditures of the CIA on its staff and its multitudinous agents and about the failure of its efforts to obtain information on the military-economic potential and scientific-technical achievements of the Soviet Union; d) about the unprecedented fact that the American embassy in Budapest is hosting Cardinal MINDSZENTY, furnishing evidence that the Americans are flouting the sovereign rights of the Hungarian People's Republic and demonstrating the sloppy work of American intelligence that damages American prestige in the eyes of world public opinion;33<br /><br />e) about the CIA's flawed methods of preparing spy cadres in the [training] schools at Fort Jersey (South Carolina) and in Monterey (California). To draw special attention to futility of efforts by the CIA and by DULLES personally to build a reliable intelligence [network] with emigrants from the USSR and the countries of people's democracies. To present a list of names of American intelligence officers and agents who have refused to work for DULLES on political, moral and other grounds; f) about utilization by the CIA leadership of senior officials from the State Department, including ambassadors, for subversive and intelligence operations that cause great harm to USA prestige. In particular, to cite the example of DULLES' use of American ambassador [to South Korea Walter P.] MCCONAUGHY in subversive plans in Cambodia and then in South Korea; g) about the activities of American intelligence in West Berlin in covering officers of West German intelligence services with documents of American citizens. 11. To approach the state security leadership in countries of people's democracy requesting that they use available means to discredit the CIA and to compromise A. DULLES. Asking for your agreement to aforementioned measures, CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE [signature] (A. Shelepin) The signatures of Mikhail Suslov, Nikolai Mukhitdinov, and Otto Kuusinen showed that the responsible members of the Secretariat had approved the document--a process that could not have taken place without Khrushchev's assent as well. On 3 November 1960, Shelepin reported to the Central Committee on the KGB's progress in carrying out the plan.34 On 25 February 1961, after the Kennedy Administration came to power in Washington, the KGB again returned to the operation against Dulles, an Eisenhower holdover who for the time being remained in his post. The KGB suggested measures ;to foment mistrust towards the leadership of American intelligence on the part of the Kennedy administration and the intelligence services of the allies.; Among other things, the KGB intended ;to create among Americans an opinion that documentary information leaks directly from the staff of the CIA.; It also plotted ;to arrange through a 'double' channel, known to the adversary, a transmittal from Washington of a real classified instruction signed by DULLES and obtained by the KGB.; Also proposed were measures ;aimed at discrediting the activities of American intelligence directed at the removal from the political arena of politicians and governments, in particular in India and Turkey, who are not welcomed by the USA.;35<br />It would be tempting to try to track down all the ;incidents; produced by this elaborate planning. It is obvious, however, that the Kennedy administration was looking for a pretext to replace the old cold warrior atop the CIA, and one presented itself after the April 1961 failure of the CIA-trained expedition against the Castro regime at the Bay of Pigs. Soviet intelligence had known about the preparation and evidently Castro's border troops were all in readiness, tipped off by Moscow (and <i>The New York Times</i>, for that matter) and ready to teach Americans a bloody lesson. Broadly speaking, the KGB in this case won a considerable victory over its overseas enemy. In late September 1961 Dulles announced his retirement, which went into effect two months later. But the battle between the two intelligence giants continued, and between April 1961 and October 1962 Soviet intelligence suffered terrible blows from internal treason: senior GRU officer Oleg Penkovsky served a precious 18 months as a source for the Western intelligence community. In May 1961, KGB officer Yuri Loginov became an agent for U.S. intelligence. In December 1961, Anatoly Golitsyn defected from Helsinki. In June 1962, Yuri Nosenko, deputy head of the KGB Second Chief Directorate, internal security and counterintelligence, began passing classified Soviet documents to the CIA (and in February 1964 he, too, would defect). The scale tilted abruptly in the CIA's favor.<br /><br /><b>The Crisis in Berlin...and in the KGB<br /></b><br />The disastrous wave of betrayal and defections in the KGB occurred at a moment of maximum international tension between the Moscow and the West, marked by the Berlin and the Cuban crises. This was not simply a coincidence. In the cases of some double-agents and defectors, among them Penkovsky and Nosenko, psychological and ideological, not material motives, prevailed. As Khrushchev raised the ante, bluffing against Washington, some informed members of the Soviet post-Stalin elites felt acutely uncomfortable. Khrushchev seemed unpredictable, mercurial, reckless, and just plain dangerous--not only to the West but to those Soviets growing accustomed to peaceful coexistence and the relative luxuries it allowed for the chosen members of the <i>nomenklatura</i>. The seemingly permanent state of nerve-wracking crisis, coinciding with a drastic expansion of cultural and human contacts across the Iron Curtain and the weakening of Stalinist fundamentalism in the East, strained loyalty to and belief in the regime and system, and in some cases pushed individuals to switch sides. The KGB's foreign intelligence and other divisions were heavily involved in various ways in the Berlin Crisis. They tested the temperature of U.S. and NATO reactions to Khrushchev's threat to sign a separate treaty with the German Democratic Republic which would give the GDR control over Western access routes to West Berlin. One scoop came when Khrushchev decided to let the East German communists close the sectorial border between the East and West Berlin, a decision resulting in the infamous Wall. On 4-7 August 1961, the foreign ministers of four Western countries (the United States, Great Britain, France and West Germany) held secret consultations in Paris. The only question on the agenda was: how to react to the Soviet provocations in Berlin? In the course of these meetings Western representatives expressed an understanding of the defensive nature of Soviet campaign in Germany, and unwillingness to risk a war.36 In less than three weeks the KGB laid on Khrushchev's desk quite accurate descriptions of the Paris talks, well ahead of its rival, the GRU. The intelligence materials correctly noted that, in contrast to the West Germans, U.S. Secretary of State Dean Rusk supported talks with the Soviet Union aimed at preservation of the <i>status quo ante</i>. However, the KGB and GRU warned that pressure in the alliance was forcing the Americans to consider economic sanctions against the GDR and other socialist countries, as well as to accelerate plans for conventional and nuclear armament of their West European allies, including the West German Bundeswehr.37<br /><br />Another line of KGB involvement in the crisis concerned strategic deception. On 29 July 1961, KGB chief Shelepin sent a memorandum to Khrushchev containing a mind-boggling array of proposals to create ;a situation in various areas of the world which would favor dispersion of attention and forces by the USA and their satellites, and would tie them down during the settlement of the question of a German peace treaty and West Berlin.; The multifaceted deception campaign, Shelepin claimed, would ;show to the ruling circles of Western powers that unleashing a military conflict over West Berlin can lead to the loss of their position not only in Europe, but also in a number of countries of Latin America, Asia and Africa.;38 Khrushchev sent the memo with his approval to his deputy Frol Kozlov39 and on August 1 it was, with minor revisions, passed as a Central Committee directive. The KGB and the Ministry of Defense were instructed to work out more ;specific measures and present them for consideration by the CC CPSU.;40<br /><br />The first part of the deception plan must have pleased Khrushchev, who in January 1961 had pledged, before the communists of the whole world, to assist ;movements of national liberation.; Shelepin advocated measures ;to activate by the means available to the KGB armed uprisings against pro-Western reactionary governments.; The destabilizing activities started in Nicaragua where the KGB plotted an armed mutiny through an ;Internal revolutionary front of resistance; in coordination with Castro's Cubans and with the ;Revolutionary Front Sandino.; Shelepin proposed to ;make appropriations from KGB funds in addition to the previous assistance 10,000 American dollars for purchase of arms.; Shelepin planned also the instigation of an ;armed uprising; in El Salvador, and a rebellion in Guatemala, where guerrilla forces would be given $15,000 to buy weapons. The campaign extended to Africa, to the colonial and semi-colonial possessions of the British and the Portuguese. The KGB promised to help organize anti-colonial mass uprisings of the African population in British Kenya and Rhodesia and Portuguese Guinea, by arming rebels and training military cadres. Nor did Shelepin forget the Far East. An ardent supporter of Sino-Soviet reconciliation, he played this ;Chinese card; once again. He suggested ;to bring to attention of the USA through KGB information channels information about existing agreement among the USSR, the PRC [People's Republic of China], the KPDR [Korean People's Democratic Republic; North Korea] and the DRV [Democratic Republic of Vietnam; North Vietnam] about joint military actions to liberate South Korea, South Vietnam, and Taiwan in case of the eruption of armed conflict in Germany.; The Soviet General Staff, proposed Shelepin, together with the KGB, ;should work out the relevant disinformation materials; and reach agreement ;with Chinese, Korean, and Vietnamese friends about demonstration of military preparations in those areas.; Next came the bubbling cauldron of the Middle East. Shelepin planned ;to cause uncertainty in government circles of the USA, England, Turkey, and Iran about the stability of their positions in the Middle and Near East.; He offered to use old KGB connections with the chairman of Democratic party of Kurdistan, Mulla Mustafa Barzani, ;to activate the movement of the Kurdish population of Iraq, Iran, and Turkey for creation of an independent Kurdistan that would include the provinces of aforementioned countries.; Barzani was to be provided with necessary aid in arms and money.41 ;Given propitious developments,; noted Shelepin with foresight, ;it would become advisable to express the solidarity of Soviet people with this movement of the Kurds.; ;The movement for the creation of Kurdistan,; he predicted, ;will evoke serious concern among Western powers and first of all in England regarding [their access to] oil in Iraq and Iran, and in the United States regarding its military bases in Turkey. All that will create also difficulties for [Iraqi Prime Minister Gen. Abdul Karim] KASSIM who has begun to conduct a pro-Western policy, especially in recent time.;42<br /><br />The second component of the Shelepin grand plan was directed against NATO installations in Western Europe and aimed ;to create doubts in the ruling circles of Western powers regarding the effectiveness of military bases located on the territory of the FRG and other NATO countries, as well as in the reliability of their personnel.; To provoke the local population against foreign bases, Shelepin contemplated working with the GDR and Czechoslovakia secret services to carry out ;active measures...to demoralize; military servicemen in the FRG (by agents, leaflets, and brochures), and even terrorist attacks on depot and logistics stations in West Germany and France.43<br /><br />One of the more imaginative strands in the web of Soviet strategic deception concerned the number and even existence of new types of arms and missiles. Along with the General Staff, the KGB long practiced a dubious combination of super-secrecy and bluffing, thereby producing a series of panicky assessments in the West about a ;bomber gap; and then a ;missile gap.; This time Shelepin asked Khrushchev to assign to his organization and the military the task of making the West believe that the Soviets were absolutely prepared to launch an attack in retaliation for Western armed provocations over West Berlin. The disinformation package included the following tasks: -- to convince the West that Soviet land forces were now armed with new types of tanks ;equipped with tactical nuclear weapons;; -- to create a conviction among the enemy ;about a considerable increase of readiness of Rocket Forces and of the increased number of launching pads--produced by the supply of solid liquid ballistic missiles of medium range and by the transfer from stationary positions to mobile launching positions on highways and railroads which secure high maneuverability and survivability;; -- to spread a false story about the considerable increase in the number of nuclear submarines with solid-fuel ;Polaris; missiles; -- to bring to Western attention ;information about the strengthening of anti-aircraft defense;; -- to disorient the enemy regarding the availability in the Soviet Air Forces of ;new types of combat-tactical aircraft with 'air-to-air' and 'air-to-ground' missiles with a large operational range.;44<br /><br />It is not clear when Shelepin learned about Khrushchev's decision to close the sectoral border between East and West Berlin, but the Wall went up just two weeks after his letter. It seems that the Wall took some heat off the problem. But in October-November 1961, the KGB and the military leadership evidently still believed that the signing of a separate peace treaty with the GDR was possible and designed its ;distraction; measures anticipating that this treaty would be a source of serious tension with the West. Indeed, sharp tension did arise in late October when U.S. tanks confronted two Soviet tank platoons in Berlin near Checkpoint Charlie. On November 10, Soviet Defense Minister Rodion Malinovsky and KGB Deputy Chief Peter Ivashutin asked the Central Committee Secretariat to approve, in addition to the crisis contingency planning by the military forces, deceptive steps ;directed at producing in the adversary's mind a profound conviction that the Soviet Union firmly intends to use force in response to military provocations of Western powers and has at its disposal all necessary combat means.; The KGB took upon itself the task ;to inform Western intelligence through unofficial channels that the Soviet Union has taken necessary measures to strengthen its troops in the GDR and to arm them with more modern tactical missiles, newer tanks, and other armaments sufficient for the delivery of a quick and crushing response strike on the adversary.; Through the same channels KGB intended ;to increase the adversary's belief in the high maneuverability and mobility of Soviet armed forces and their readiness, in case the West unleashes an armed conflict in Germany, to move within a minimal time up to the battle lines of the European theater. To convey as a proof thereof that this summer, during the exercises in the Near-Carpathian and other military districts, some divisions demonstrated an average speed of advancement of about 110-130 km per day.; Along the lines of Shelepin's proposal, the KGB's military-industrial consultants suggested other disinformation steps. Perhaps echoing Khrushchev's boast that his missiles could ;hit a fly in the sky,; the Committee proposed to convey to U.S. intelligence the information that during its recent series of atomic tests--in Sept.-Oct. 1961--the Soviet Union successfully ;tested a superpowerful thermonuclear warhead, along with a system of detecting and eliminating the adversary's missiles in the air.; The KGB laboratories fabricated ;evidence; for U.S. intelligence about ;the solution in the Soviet Union of the problem of constructing simple but powerful and user-convenient atomic engines for submarines which allow in the short run increasing considerably the number of atomic submarines up to fifteen.; (The ever-vigilant Shelepin deleted the number from the text--the super-secretive Soviets excised numbers even in disinformation!) Finally, the KGB received instructions ;to promote a legend about the invention in the Soviet Union of an aircraft with a close-circuited nuclear engine and its successful flight tests which demonstrated the engine's high technical capacities and its safety in exploitation.; ;On the basis of the M-50 'Myasischev' aircraft, with consideration of the results of those flight tests,; according to this disinformation, ;a strategic bomber with nuclear engines and unlimited range has been designed.;45<br /><br />Even now, reading those documents gives one chills down the spine. Determined to deal with their opponent from a position of strength, and possessing the intoxicating capacity to hide or invent information, to deceive and to bluff, Kremlin leaders went too far, to the very brink where the fine line between deterring an attack and preparing for one blurred altogether. To make matters worse, Khrushchev often held his cards so close to his chest that even his closest subordinates could not guess his true intentions. Inside the KGB there were many levels of knowledge, to be sure, but it seems, for instance, that the famous ;Bolshakov channel; and the sensitive information that passed along it to the Kennedy administration during the Berlin crisis were sometimes not reported even to the KGB's highest hierarchy, only to the CPSU General Secretary.46<br /><br />No wonder that a great number of junior and senior officials in the Soviet military and intelligence elites were scared to death. Some of them were convinced that Khrushchev was crazy and had become a victim of his own ;hare-brained schemes.; This scare still waits to be described by a creative quill. But one of its most tangible traces was a stream of well-positioned defectors. In his June 1960 plan to discredit Allen Dulles and the CIA, quoted earlier, Shelepin had envisioned fostering ;an atmosphere of mutual suspicion within the CIA staff; by fostering fears of KGB penetration within the agency. In fact, as Shelepin hoped, a paranoid ;mole-hunt; in the Western intelligence community did occur, but apparently as a by-product of authentic defections from Soviet intelligence rather than because of Shelepin's deliberate deception campaign. Major Anatoliy Golitsyn became a pivotal figure in this regard. He was the least informed of the new crop of KGB defectors, but the echoes of Shelepin's grandiose plans reached his ear. It has been argued, with some justification, that the harm that this stocky Ukrainian defector caused to careers and environment in the CIA could have been done only by a Soviet double-agent. The alliance between Golitsyn and CIA counterintelligence chief James Angleton was indeed more ruinous for American operatives who fell under suspicion in the frantic ;mole-hunt; than for real KGB agents.47<br /><br />It is ironic that KGB leadership had no premonition about this at all. There is, indeed, newly available evidence about how painful Golitsyn's defection was to the KGB. On 28 July 1962, a new KGB chief, Vladimir Semichastny, wrote to Shelepin, now promoted to the Party Secretariat: According to reliable evidence American intelligence is preparing a broad campaign of provocation against the Soviet Union that will involve a traitor of Motherland GOLITSYN and other traitors, along with double-agents and provocateurs. ;The Americans count on this provocation,; continued Semichastny while ignoring the irony of his words, ;to dispel to some extent the impression among the public that the USA is an organizer of world espionage, and to demonstrate that the Soviet Union is conducting active intelligence work in all countries.; The Committee proposed ;measures to discredit GOLITSYN; in the eyes of his CIA debriefers by implicating him in a felony. According to the plan, the newspaper <i>Soviet Russia</i> was to publish an article about a trial that allegedly had been held in Leningrad on a case of hard currency smuggling. The KGB would ;let Americans know, without mentioning GOLITSYN's name, that this article has something to so with him.; In case Golitsyn came up ;with slanderous declarations,; the KGB planned to arrange more publications about his invented criminal background and to demand, after that, from the U.S. government through official channels the ;extradition of GOLITSYN as a criminal.; As a last resort, Semichastny asked for Party sanction ;to carry out an operation on his [GOLITSYN'S] removal.;48<br /><br /><b>Scorpions in a bottle<br /></b><br /><i>Glasnost</i> on Soviet intelligence activities has yet to reach the level achieved by the American side during the congressional hearings of the Church and Pike committees in the mid-1970s. But the documents found recently in the CC CPSU archives do shed considerable light on KGB operations and indicate, without mincing words, how ambitious, various and extensive were KGB activities, especially against the ;number one enemy,; the United States. There is little doubt that almost any document on the Soviet side has its U.S. counterpart in Langley still hidden from public view.49 The process of mutual emulation started after the defection of Soviet cypher clerk Igor Gouzenko in Ottawa, Canada, in the summer of 1945. Ever since then the American intelligence agencies and the FBI, seconded by Soviet defectors, argued that they needed more discretionary resources and rights to match a well-prepared and ruthless enemy. The KGB documents prove that the enemy was, indeed, ingenious, resourceful, and prepared to go very far. The emphasis on disinformation and on the use of various groups and movements in the ;third world; had, of course, been a direct continuation of the OGPU-NKVD tradition in the 1920s-1940s.50 Back then, the Soviet intelligence leaned extensively on the networks of the Comintern and other individuals sympathetic to the Soviet ;experiment.; This network suffered from blows and defections as a result of Khrushchev's de-Stalinization campaign and its spectacular unveiling at the February 1956 CPSU Twentieth Party Congress. But the collapse of colonial empires and the surge of radicalism and nationalism in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East was a bonanza for Soviet intelligence, bent on expanding their contacts in those parts of the world. The KGB, no doubt, fulfilled orders from the top. Khrushchev's support of ;wars of national liberation; was a big step toward the globalization of Soviet foreign policy, and therefore of the Cold War. It is clear from the KGB documents, however, that even at that time of escalating covert superpower rivalry in the Third World, the Kremlin leadership retained clear <i>Realpolitik</i> priorities: with the exception of those posted in Cuba, Soviet intelligence agents in Third World countries were used by the Soviet leadership and its external arm, the KGB's First Directorate, as pawns in a geostrategic game centered firmly on Berlin. Yet, the KGB had its own distinctive impact on the Cold War. The documents presented in this article challenge the myth that KGB officials (and some American counterparts as well) like to promulgate: that the intelligence services of both sides, by increasing ;transparency; about the adversary's intentions and capabilities, thereby contributed to stability and predictability in a dangerously polarized world. Some intelligence efforts that were genuinely devoted to reconnaissance, and reduced fears of a surprise attack, may well have done so. But the games of deception, disinformation, and distraction designed by the KGB masterminds had a deleterious effect on global stability. They certainly contributed to the perception in Washington of expansive Soviet ambitions. In some cases they even exacerbated the danger of armed conflict. And the elaborate plots to sow the seeds of mistrust between the U.S. leadership and intelligence agencies was dictated by anything but a clear comprehension of how dangerous this kind of conspiracy had become in the nuclear age. The legacy of the covert activities undertaken by the KGB and CIA at this key juncture of the Cold War was ambiguous: besides the function of obtaining and relaying objective information to their respective leaderships, the two rival intelligence organizations behaved, to borrow Oppenheimer's classic description of the nuclear predicament, like two scorpions in a bottle, prepared to sting each other until death. The fact that the Cold War in the 1970s and the late 1980s looked more like a ;long peace; appeared to have limited impact on the mentality of intelligence officials in Washington and Moscow.51 By then, the KGB's First Directorate concentrated even more on technical-scientific espionage, which reflected, on the one hand, a long-standing symbiosis between the Soviet intelligence services and the military-industrial nexus, and, on the other, a distancing from ;cloak and dagger; covert activities. Vladimir Kryuchkov, later a KGB chief and conspirator in the August 1991 hardline coup attempt, was to a large extent a product of this specialization in scientific-technical espionage. The paranoia of Kryuchkov, who to this day believes that the West was nurturing a ;fifth column; to demoralize and subvert Soviet society, as well as that of his CIA counterpart Angleton, was underpinned and ;substantiated; by the shady games and counter-games in which the two intelligence services had engaged all during the Cold War. The alleged existence of American ;agents of influence; inside Soviet society and even government--a key tenet of Kryuchkov's homilies for vigilance--had been, indeed, a matter of pride for the CIA since the 1970s and can now, to a very limited extent, even be documented from U.S. government sources. But the paranoia, even when it fed on realities, remained for the most part a self-deception. The KGB's methods and proclivity for Jesuitical twists of imagination distorted the minds of Kryuchkov and many others. While the whole atmosphere of the Cold War existed, this mind-frame was contagious and spread like cancer. There was always a sound and pragmatic side to intelligence: the collection and analysis of information. There were failures and errors in this work, but, in general, the record shows considerable accuracy and consistent objectivity, at least as far as the specific actions and motives were concerned. But the darker side of intelligence activity, linked to the Cold War mentality and actions, always co-existed with the former, sometimes casting a long shadow. The resources spent on intelligence operations related to psychological warfare and deception had a dynamic of diminishing returns: the disruption caused by them in the enemy's camp rarely justified the money and efforts spent on them.<br /><span><b><br />Vladislav M. Zubok<br /></b><br />1. [Ed. note: It is clear that the United States enjoyed massive numerical superiority in strategic nuclear weapons over the USSR at the time of the October 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis, but the precise ratio of deliverable nuclear weapons has not been definitely ascertained. Several accounts have used a ratio of 17-1, e.g., Robert S. McNamara, </span><span><i><span>Blundering into Disaster: Surviving the First Century of the Nuclear Age (New York: Pantheon, 1986), 44-45. A recent accounting of U.S. and Soviet nuclear arsenals during the Cold War, based in part on statistics recently declassified by the U.S. Department of Energy, implied a ratio of closer to nine-to-one at the time. It showed that in 1962 the United States had a total stockpile of 27,100 warheads, including 3,451 mounted on strategic delivery vehicles, and the USSR possessed a total stockpile of 3,100 warheads, including 481 strategic weapons. (Robert S. Norris and William M. Arkin, ;Nuclear Notebook: Estimated U.S. and Soviet/Russian Nuclear Stockpiles, 1945-94,; >The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 50:6 (Nov-Dec. 1994), 58-59.) However, the table did not reflect disparities in strategic delivery vehicles, such as intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) and submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), which overwhelmingly favored the United States.]<br />2. See Tom Mangold, >Cold Warrior: James Jesus Angleton: The CIA's Master Spy Hunter (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991), and David Wise, </span><i><span>Mole-Hunt: How the Search for a Phantom Traitor Shattered the CIA (New York: Random House, 1992; Avon, 1994).<br />3. See Oleg Kalugin with Fen Montaigne, >The First Directorate: My 32 Years in Intelligence and Espionage Against the West (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994); Leonid Shebarshin, >Ruka Moskvy [>Arm of Moscow] (Moscow: Center-100, 1992), and >Iz Zhizni Nachalnika Razvedki [>From the Life of the Head of Intelligence] (Moscow: International Relations, 1994); and Vadim Kirpichenko, </span><i><span>Iz arkhiva razvedchika [>From the Archive of an intelligence officer] (Moscow: International Relations, 1993).<br />4. The author encountered the KGB documents used in this article while conducting research in Moscow in late 1992, for a book on Soviet leaders and the Cold War, in the Center for the Storage of Contemporary Documentation (known by its Russian acronym, TsKhSD, for </span><i><span>Tsentr Khraneniya Sovremennoi Dokumentatsii), located at Il'inka 12 in Staraya Ploschad' (Old Square). This is the archive containing the post-1952 records of the CPSU Central Committee. The author was also, at the time, researching the 1960-62 period for his paper on U.S.-Soviet crises for the Conference on New Evidence on Cold War History organized by the Cold War International History Project and held in Moscow in January 1993 in cooperation with TsKhSD and the Russian Academy of Sciences' Institute of Universal History. At that conference, some of the KGB documents cited in this article were described in a paper (;The Mentality of Soviet Society and the Cold War;) by Russian historian Vitaly S. Lelchuk (Institute of Russian History, Russian Academy of Sciences), sparking a general discussion of the intelligence service's role in the Kremlin's handling of the U-2 affair.<br />Although the KGB archives for this period remain closed to scholars, with the limited exception of an arrangement with Crown Publishers to publish a series of books on selected topics, scholars have been able to conduct research on an increasingly regular basis in the archives of the CPSU CC (TsKhSD and the Russian Center for the Storage and Study of Recent Documents (RTsKhIDNI)), the Russian Foreign Ministry (MID) archives, and the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF). Moreover, the promulgation of several Russian laws and regulations mandating a 30-year-rule for most archival files, including Politburo records, inspires hope that a more thorough analysis of Khrushchev's foreign and intelligence policies is becoming possible. For details on the Russian archival scene, see Mark Kramer, ;Archival Research in Moscow: Progress and Pitfalls,; </span><i><span>Cold War International History Project Bulletin 3 (Fall 1993), 1, 18-39. For more on the KGB archives, see the report by Arseny Roginski and Nikita Okhotin, circulated in 1992 and slated for publication as a CWIHP Working Paper; Amy Knight, ;The Fate of the KGB Archives,; >Slavic Review 52:3 (Fall 1993), 582-6; and Yevgenia Albats, </span><i><span>The State Within a State: The KGB and Its Hold on Russia--Past, Present and Future (New York: Farrar, Straus Giroux, 1994).<br />5. KGB to Nikita Khrushchev, ;Report for 1960,; 14 February 1961, in CC CPSU Secretariat's ;special dossier; [>osobaya papka], hereafter abbreviated as ;St.;, protocol no. 179/42c, 21 March 1961, TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 13, delo 74, ll. [pages] 144-58.<br />6. Ibid., 1.147.<br />7. Ibid.<br />8. Ibid., l. 154.<br />9. KGB to CC CPSU, 10 March 1961, in St.-199/10c, 3 October 1961, TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 13, delo 85, ll. 133-142, esp. 141-142.<br />10. KGB to Khrushchev, ;Report for 1960,; 14 February 1961, cited above.<br />11. The 7 April 1960 directive was cited in KGB to CC CPSU, 10 March 1961, St.-199/10c, 3 October 1961, TsKhSD, Fond 4, opis 13, delo 85, l. 133. The original directive was not located.<br />12. KGB to CC CPSU, 10 March 1961, cited above.<br />13. Ibid., ll. 136-137.<br />14. Mangold, >Cold Warrior, 107 ff.<br />15. KGB to CC CPSU, 10 March 1961, cited above, 1. 140.<br />16. KGB to Khrushchev, ;Report for 1960,; 14 February 1961, St. 179/42c, TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 13, delo 74, 1.149.<br />17. KGB to CC CPSU, 10 March 1961, in St.-199/10c, 3 October, TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 13, delo 85, 1.137.<br />18. Ibid.<br />19. Ibid.<br />20. See Christopher Andrew and Oleg Gordievsky, >KGB: The Inside Story of Its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev (New York: Harper Perennial, 1991), 440.<br />21. The above two paragraphs are based on KGB to CC CPSU, 10 March 1961, in St.-199/10c, 3 October 1961-TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 13, delo 85, ll. 138-139. [Ed. note: Nelson Rockefeller, a member of the country's wealthiest families, Governor of New York State, and briefly a candidate for the Republican presidential nomination in 1960, had been a Special Assistant to Eisenhower on Cold War psychological warfare strategy; Gen. Lauris Norstad was the Supreme Allied Commander, Europe (SACEUR); A. Dulles headed the CIA and J. Edgar Hoover was FBI director.]<br />22. [Ed. note: On the career of Allen W. Dulles, see the profile in H.W. Brands, >Cold Warriors: Eisenhower's Generation and American Foreign Policy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 48-68; the new biography by Peter Grose, >Gentleman Spy: The Life of Allen Dulles (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1994) and a forthcoming biography by James L. Srodes; and a five-volume internal CIA history of his tenure as Director of Central Intelligence: Wayne G. Jackson, >Allen Welsh Dulles As Director of Central Intelligence, 26 February 1953 - 29 November 1961, declassified with deletions in 1994, copy available from the CIA History Office and on file at the National Security Archive, Washington, D.C.]<br />23. Oleg Kalugin, ;Vozhdi Razvedki; [;Chiefs of Intelligence;], >Moscow News 2 (10 January 1993), 9; see also Kalugin, >The First Directorate, 93-98. [Ed. note: Orlov defected from the NKVD in 1938 and in 1954 published an exposé that undoubtedly infuriated Moscow: </span><i><span>The Secret History of Stalin's Crimes (London: Jarrolds, 1954). Petrov and Deriabin both defected in 1954. Andrew and Gordievsky, >KGB: The Inside Story, 164, 427, 675 n. 9.]<br />24. Shelepin (KGB) to CC CPSU, 26 September 1959, and Serbin to Commission on Military-industrial issues, 6 October 1959, both in St. 122/7, 14 October 1959, fond 4, opis 13, delo 57, ll. 56-62.<br />25. Shelepin to CC CPSU, 26 September 1959, in ibid., ll. 60-61.<br />26. See Michael R. Beschloss, >Mayday: Eisenhower, Khrushchev, and the U-2 Affair (New York: Harper, 1986).<br />27. Shelepin to CC CPSU, 7 June 1960, TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 13, delo 65, ll. 12-37 in Special Dossier of the Secretariat of the Central Committee 153/30c from 14.VI.60 (14 June 1960). The 7 June 1960 KGB document's existence first became public knowledge in January 1993 when it was described by Russian historian Vitaly S. Lelchuk to the CWIHP Conference on New Evidence on Cold War History; the document was also referred to in Vitaly S. Lelchuk and Yefim I. Pivovar, ;Mentalitet Sovietskogo Obshchestva i Kholodnaya Voina; [;The Mentality of Soviet Society and the Cold War;], >Otechestvennaya Istoria [>Fatherland History] 6 (Nov.-Dec. 1993), 70-71.<br />28. That formula meant that the decision was already taken at the top and an agreement of the rest of the Central Committee Secretaries was just a mere formality. In other cases, when no clear consensus existed or a leader was not sure himself, he put it to a vote of the Politburo or the Secretariat.<br />29. Mikhail Suslov, Nikolai Mukhitdinov, and Otto Kuusinen were three full members (Secretaries) of the CC CPSU Secretariat.<br />30. This document was sent by the KGB to the Secretariat, the technical body of the Central Committee of the CPSU, which usually dealt with more routine issues than the Politburo.<br />31. [Ed. note: This evidently refers to the American writer Albert E. Kahn (1912-1979), a journalist and author sympathetic to socialism who had been blacklisted during the McCarthy era and who (after recovering his passport, which the government had taken from him for several years) spent the first half of 1960 in Moscow working on a book on the Bolshoi ballerina Galina Ulanova (subsequently published as >Days With Ulanova (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1962). Contacted by CWIHP in Helena, Montana, where he is the state director of the Montana Nature Conservancy, Kahn's son Brian Kahn stated that to his knowledge his father was never approached to write a publication ridiculing Allen W. Dulles and never did so; and that, while sympathetic to socialism and the USSR, he would not have written anything at the direction of Soviet intelligence. ;[My father] would write a pamphlet on a political issue that he believed in; but he wouldn't do it at the request of anybody,; said Brian Kahn. ;He would never do it if he were aware that he was being manipulated; that he would offend his sense of integrity as a writer.; Brian Kahn said his father once met in the Kremlin with Nikita Khrushchev and proposed collaborating with him on an autobiography, but that the Soviet leader did not pursue the idea, which Kahn later implemented with Pablo Casals (>Joys and Sorrows (Simon & Schuster, 1970)). Albert Kahn also authored, among other books, >Sabotage! The Secret War Against America (Little, Brown, 1942), an expose of pro-fascist activities in the United States; </span><i><span>The Great Conspiracy: The Secret War Against the Soviet Union (Little, Brown, 1946), an account of Western actions against the USSR highly sympathetic to Moscow; >High Treason (Lear, 1950); </span><i><span>Smetana and the Beetles (Random House, 1967), a satirical pamphlet about Stalin's daughter, Svetlana Alliluyeva; and >The Matusow Affair (Moyer Bell Ltd., 1987), a posthumously-published account of a McCarthy-era case.]<br />32. The KGB in this case wanted to kill two birds with one stone. Fears that Americans could influence a ;third world; communist leader were pervasive and not without foundation. In 1979 similar fears about Hafizullah Amin, leader of the Afghan ;revolution,; probably helped convince Politburo member Yuri Andropov, former KGB chief, of the necessity of Soviet military intervention to ;save; this country.<br />33. Jozsef Cardinal Mindszenty, the Roman Catholic Primate, was arrested by the Hungarian communist regime in 1948</span><b><span> </span></b><span>and sentenced to life imprisonment on treason and currency charges in 1949 (reduced to house arrest in 1955). During the Hungarian October revolution of 1956 he was freed, but, after the Soviet intervention, the U.S. embassy in Budapest gave him political asylum until his death in 1971.<br />34. Shelepin to CC CPSU, 3 November 1960, in St.-199/10c, 3 October 1961, TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 13, delo 85, ll. 23-27.<br />35. Shelepin to CC CPSU, 25 February 1961, in ibid., ll.28-29.<br />36. See memorandum of conversation, ;Tripartite Meeting on Berlin and Germany; (D. Rusk, Lord Home, M. Couve de Murville), 5 August 1961, Berlin Crisis collection, National Security Archive, Washington, DC.<br />37. Lt.-Gen. A. Rogov to Marshal Malinovsky, 24 August 1961, TsKhSD, fond 5, opis 30, delo 365, ll. 142-153. The texts of preceding reports of the KGB with parallel intelligence were not available in the archives.<br />38. Shelepin to Khrushchev, 29 July 1961, in St. - 191/75gc 1 August 1961, TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 13, delo 81, ll. 130-134, quoted passages on l. 130.<br />39. Handwritten notation on cover letter from Shelepin to Khrushchev, 29 July 1961.<br />40. CC CPSU directive, St.-191/75gc, 1 August 1961, TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 13, delo 81, ll. 128-129.<br />41. [Ed. note: U.S. officials had noted with concern the possibility that Barzani might be useful to Moscow. In an October 1958 cable to the State Department three months after a military coup brought Kassim to power, the U.S. ambassador to Iraq, Waldemar J. Gallman, stated that ;Communists also have potential for attack [on Iraqi Prime Minister Kassim-ed.] on another point through returned Kurdish leader Mulla Mustafa Barzani. He spent last eleven years in exile in Soviet Union. His appeal to majority of Iraqi Kurds is strong and his ability [to] disrupt stability almost endless. Thus we believe that today greatest potential threat to stability and even existence of Qassim's [Kassim's] regime lies in hands of Communists.; See Gallman to Department of State, 14 October 1958, in U.S. Department of State, </span><i><span>Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960, Vol. XII (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1993), 344-46. Barzani's alleged ties to the KGB are discussed in Pavel Sudoplatov and Anatolii Sudoplatov with Jerrold L. Schecter and Leona P. Schecter, </span><i><span>Special Tasks: The Memoirs of an Unwanted Witness--A Soviet Spymaster (Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., 1994), 259-64.]<br />42. Shelepin also proposed an initiative to entice Egyptian President Gamal Abdul Nasser, a Third World leader avidly courted by both East and West, into throwing his support behind the Kurds. Shelepin suggested informing Nasser ;through unofficial channels; that, in the event of a Kurdish victory, Moscow ;might take a benign look at the integration of the non-Kurdish part of Iraqi territory with the UAR;--the United Arab Republic, a short-lived union of Egypt and Syria reflecting Nasser's pan-Arab nationalism--;on the condition of NASSER's support for the creation of an independent Kurdistan.; Shelepin to Khrushchev, 29 July 1961, in St.-191/75gc, 1 August 1961, TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 13, delo 81, ll. 131-32. When a Kurdish rebellion indeed broke out in northern Iraq in September 1961, the KGB quickly responded with additional proposals to exploit the situation. KGB Deputy Chairman Peter Ivashutin proposed--;In accord with the decision of the CC CPSU...of 1 August 1961 on the implementation of measures favoring the distraction of the attention and forces of the USA and her allies from West Berlin, and in view of the armed uprisings of the Kurdish tribes that have begun in the North of Iraq;--to: 1) use the KGB to organize pro-Kurdish and anti-Kassim protests in India, Indonesia, Afghanistan, Guinea, and other countries; 2) have the KGB meet with Barzani to urge him to ;seize the leadership of the Kurdish movements in his hands and to lead it along the democratic road,; and to advise him to ;keep a low profile in the course of this activity so that the West did not have a pretext to blame the USSR in meddling into the internal affairs of Iraq;; and 3) assign the KGB to recruit and train a ;special armed detachment (500-700 men); drawn from Kurds living in the USSR in the event that Moscow might need to send Barzani ;various military experts (Artillerymen, radio operators, demolition squads, etc.); to support the Kurdish uprising. P. Ivashutin to CC CPSU, 27 September 1961, St.-199/10c, 3 October 1961, TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 13, delo 85, ll. 1-4. The uprising continued until a group of Ba'athist military officers overthrew Kassim in spring 1963, and of course the Kurdish problem remains unresolved more than three decades later. For an overview of Kremlin policy on the Kurdish issue, written before the opening of Soviet archives, see Oles M. Smolandsky with Bettie M. Smolandsky, >The USSR and Iraq: The Soviet Quest for Influence (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1991), 63-98.<br />43. In particular, Shelepin envisioned operations to set ablaze a British Air Force fuel depot near Arzberg in West Germany, and to stage an explosion at a U.S. military-logistics base in Chinon, France. Ibid., 1.133.<br />44. Ibid., ll. 133-134.<br />45. The above five paragraphs are based on Ivashutin and Malinovsky to CC CPSU, 10 November 1961, in St. 2/35c, 14 November 1961, TsKhSD, fond 14, opis 14, delo 1, ll. 10-14.<br />46. Georgi Bolshakov was a GRU officer who acted under the cover of a press secretary at the Soviet Embassy in Washington in 1961-62. He often met with Robert Kennedy, the President's brother, delivering Khrushchev's personal messages, mostly orally. See Michael Beschloss, >The Crisis Years: Kennedy and Khrushchev, 1960-1963 (New York: HarperCollins, 1991).<br />47. See Mangold, >Cold Warrior, and Wise, </span><i><span>Mole-Hunt, passim.<br />48. Semichastny to Shelepin, 28 July 1962, in St. 33/26c, 31 August 1962, TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 14, delo 13, ll. 1-6.<br />49. [Ed. note: Since 1991, CIA directors in the Bush and Clinton administrations have promised to declassify records pertaining to covert operations during the early Cold War, including those relating to the Italian elections (1948), coups in Iran (1953) and Guatemala (1954), the Bay of Pigs (1961), and others. To date, only one recent large-scale declassification of a U.S. covert operation has become known: the release of documents regarding operations in Indonesia against the Sukarno government, included in the >Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS) volume for Indonesia, 1958-1960, published by the Department of State in 1994. (See Jim Mann, ;CIA's Covert Indonesian Operation in the 1950s Acknowledged by U.S.,; >Los Angeles Times, 29 October 1994, 5.) Press reports indicate that government officials have blocked the declassification (For publication in >FRUS) of documents disclosing two other CIA covert operations from this period, one to finance pro-American Japanese politicians and the other, during the Kennedy administration, to overthrow a leftist government in British Guyana. See Tim Weiner, ;C.I.A. Spent Millions to Support Japanese Right in 50's and 60's,; >New York Times, 9 October 1994; Tim Weiner, ;A Kennedy-C.I.A. Plot Returns to Haunt Clinton,; </span><i><span>New York Times, 30 October 1994; and Tim Weiner, ;Keeping the Secrets That Everyone Knows,; </span><i><span>New York Times (Week-in-Review section), 30 October 1994.]<br />50. The OGPU (>Obyeddinenoye Gosudarstvennoye Politicheskoye Upravlenie, for Unified State Political Directorate), successor to the short-lived GPU, lasted from 1923 to 1934, when it was converted into the GUGB (Main Administration of State Security) and integrated into the NKVD (People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs). The NVKD in 1946 became the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD).<br />51. On the mentality of Soviet leaders in the Cold War, see Vladislav M. Zubok and Constantine V. Pleshakov, </span><i><span>Inside the Kremlin's Cold War (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, forthcoming in 1995). For the ;long peace; thesis, including the argument that intelligence activities contributed to stability during the Cold War, see John Lewis Gaddis, </span><i><span>The Long Peace: Inquiries into the History of the Cold War<span> (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 215-45.<br />52. In a December 1976 briefing, CIA representatives informed the incoming Carter Administration National Security Council staff officials Zbigniew Brzezinski and David Aaron of ;current Soviet agents and the nature of the materials they provide us with. Brzezinski and Aaron seemed quite impressed, though Brzezinski wondered whether such agents could not be used to pull off a rather massive disinformation operation against the U.S. [Bill] Wells [from the CIA] explained why this is not likely.;<br />Brzezinski, soon to become Carter's national security advisor, ;said he would like to be briefed in detail on 'agents of influence' that belong to us abroad.; He explained that ;he did not want to be surprised in meeting with or dealing with foreign VIPs, if in fact those VIPs were our agents of influence.; CIA, Memorandum for the Record on a meeting with [prospective] National Security Adviser Brzezinski, 30 December 1976.</span></span></i></i></i></i></i></i></i></i></i></i></i></i></i></i></i></i></span></span></td></tr></tbody></table></span><span class="Apple-style-span"><br /><br />All copyrighted sources are quoted and used for comment and education in accord with the nonprofit provisions of: Title 17 U.S.C., Section 107 for Fair Use. This site is in accordance with Title 17 U.S.C., Section 107 and is protected.</span></span>DoxaMichaelhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02108327951424273074noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-397968883514093681.post-4516898534138222502012-02-25T01:01:00.009+03:002012-02-25T01:31:30.313+03:00Geopolitical Realignments: USA-Israel-China versus Russia-Europe-Arabia | Foreign Policy Journal<div><b></b><br />
<div class="MsoNormal"><b>For references and explanation of what is going on, see below the bottom of this article.</b></div><b> </b><br />
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</b></div><div class="MsoNormal"><b><a href="http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2011/09/19/geopolitical-realignments-usa-israel-china-versus-russia-europe-arabia/0/">Geopolitical Realignments: USA-Israel-China versus Russia-Europe-Arabia | Foreign Policy Journal</a></b></div></div><div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: white; font-family: georgia, 'palatino linotype', palatino, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 19px;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;"></span></span><br />
<h1 class="entry_title" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; display: block; font-family: 'palatino linotype', palatino, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 30px; font-style: inherit; font: normal normal normal 24px/normal 'palatino linotype', palatino, 'times new roman', times, serif; letter-spacing: -1px; line-height: 26px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Geopolitical Realignments: USA-Israel-China versus Russia-Europe-Arabia</span></h1><h2 class="singlePageSubtitle" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: georgia, 'palatino linotype', palatino, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 18px; font-style: inherit; line-height: 1; margin-bottom: 5px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"></h2><h2 class="singlePageAuthor" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: georgia, 'palatino linotype', palatino, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; line-height: 1; margin-bottom: 5px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 5px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">by Dr. K R Bolton</span></h2><h2 class="singlePageDate" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: georgia, 'palatino linotype', palatino, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 12px; font-style: inherit; line-height: 1; margin-bottom: 10px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 3px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">September 19, 2011</span></h2><div id="nr_fo_top_of_post" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Despite the focus of the mass media on (mostly theoretical) rivalry between the USA and China, and the rapport in recent years between China and Russia through a Central Asian axis, neither of these apparent geopolitical alignments are historically or organically based. They are superficial and in particular obscure the behind-the-scenes diplomacy that takes place above and beyond the public view. I have contended since the 1980s that there will be conflict between Russia and China, and that the USA will eventually adopt a <em>de jure</em>pro-China position, which has continued <em>de facto</em> despite the occasional posturing on the world stage.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Although there has been an ongoing relationship between Israel and China and between China and the USA, Russia, on the other hand, has been regarded as highly dubious by the USA, China, and Israel, regardless of what appears from public rostrums and treaties.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">• The US foreign policy and international banking establishments together with the Zionists have been nervous about Russia for over a Century. They have regarded Russians as barbaric <em>pogromists</em>; Russia, the land of the Black Hundreds which has only relented during the brief interregnums of (a) The Bolsheviks up to the rise of Stalin;[1] (b) the regimes of Gorbachev[2] and Yeltsin. The conspicuous presence of Jews among the “oligarchs” targeted by Putin for corruption has served to multiply this nervousness towards Russia.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">• If there was ever going to be an historically and organically based alliance between China and Russia, one would expect this to have been forged on the basis of “fraternal relations” when Russia was nominally “Communist.” Such was far from the case however. The foundation of Sino-Soviet relations was the cynically named 1950 “Sino-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Alliance and Mutual Assistance,” which reduced China to a vassal state, and was ended by China in 1979 with the invasion of Vietnam as a symbolic gesture of the two-fingered kind.[3]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;"><strong>Causes of Future Conflict</strong></span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">In regard to the relationship that will emerge between Russia and China, it is a matter of “blood is thicker than water,” and for Russians the Chinese are racial enemies. However, in this instance, it is <em>water</em> that is likely to be the factor that will reinforce the bonds and the antagonisms of “blood.”</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">China’s domination of Tibet provides the probable key to future widespread conflict throughout South and Southeast Asia and extending to Russia. The control of the Himalayan headwaters that feed most of India and Southeast Asia means that China has the potential lever over life and death for tens of millions. Water resources, flooding, pollution, and drought are major, albeit rarely publicized, problems throughout Asia. China has plans that will enable it to turn off the water taps for Asia at will, and the Chinese will not hesitate to do so when they face water resource crises of their own. The plan is for a Great South-North Water Project which will be able to divert river waters from the Tibetan highlands, including the waters of the Brahmaputra which feed India, into the parched Yellow River.[4] With such crises against the background of historic tensions that have still not been resolved between China and India, Japan, and Vietnam, and Russia’s historically sound relations that endure with Vietnam and India, and the Chinese aim of hegemony over Central Asia, the much touted Shanghai Cooperation Organization established in 1996 as the “Shanghai Five,” will be no more enduring than the Hitler-Stalin Pact. Ironically, it was during the “Communist” era that China and the USSR came close to full-scale war, when China caused provocations along the border with Russia. During 1960-1963 there were over nine thousand disputes. The biggest clash in 1969 came when the Chinese killed 32 Russians in an ambush, with Russia responding by bombing China, causing about 800 Chinese deaths.[5]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Such was the adversity between Russia and China during the 1960s that veteran journalist Harrison E Salisbury wrote a book entitled <em>The Coming War Between Russia and China</em>, in which he referred to the historic enmity starting during the 13<sup>th</sup> Century.[6] It would be naïve to think that a “Shanghai Cooperation Organization” has fundamentally altered the broad outlines of Salisbury’s thesis.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;"><strong>USA & China</strong></span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">US opposition to Red China is one of the great myths of popular history. Nor was Mao particular antagonistic towards the USA other than when he wanted to posture as the rival leader of World Communism and the Third World against the “running dogs of US imperialism.” His opposition was very much that of a “paper tiger.”</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Stalin was never well disposed towards Mao, whereas the USA was. The USA was insistent that Chiang deal with the Communists, while Stalin insisted that the Communists deal with Chiang. It was Chiang whom Stalin recognized as the leader of China, and regarded Mao as a “Trotskyite.”[7] When the Russians prepared to evacuate Manchuria in 1945 they stayed until 1946 to allow Chiang in ahead of Mao. The Soviet Ambassador was only withdrawn from Chiang’s entourage the day before Mao’s announcement of his government in Peking in October 1949. Mao never forgave this. Mao’s attempts to ingratiate himself with the USSR were never successful, and he endured humiliation.[8]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Conversely to the anti-Communist policy pursued by Stalin, the USA did whatever it could to back Mao. Gen. George C Marshall warned that US support for Chiang would end if he did not stop pursuing the Red Army into northern Manchuria at a time when Mao could have been defeated. As Chang and Halliday point out in their definitive biography on Mao, in a chapter aptly entitled “Saved by Washington,” this US betrayal of Chiang was decisive.[9] However, Mao, as the budding co-equal to Stalin as leader of World Communism, was obliged to direct his alliance towards the USSR rather than the USA, a decision that cost China dearly under the terms of the colonialistic “Sino-Soviet Treaty.” Moreover, Mao was never accepted as the leader of World Communism other than by the Communist Party of New Zealand and by Albania.[10] His only option for recognition as a world statesman was to return to the USA, resulting in the Nixon visit of 1972.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">However, despite the self-imposed isolation of Mao in his ill-considered attempt to align with the USSR rather than the USA, the US foreign policy establishment and plutocratic interests had never disowned their pro-Mao attitude. These centred on the Rockefeller cabal and more latterly that of George Soros. Despite US recognition for China not being achieved until 1975, the policy that was pursued by the Nixon Administration towards China since 1970 had been formulated a decade previously by the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). Peter Grose explained this in the official history of the CFR, which he calls America’s “foreign policy establishment”:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">The Council turned in earnest to the problem of communist China early in the 1960s. Various Council publications had started developing the idea of a ‘two-China’ policy—recognition of both the Nationalist government of Taiwan and the communist government on the mainland. This, Council authors suggested, might be the least bad policy direction. Professor A. Doak Barnett published a trail-blazing book for the Council in 1960,<em>Communist China and Asia</em>. A major Council study of relations between the United States and China commenced in 1964, the year China exploded its first nuclear bomb; the group met systematically for the next four years. ‘Contentment with the present stalemate in relations with the Chinese is not statesmanship,’ declared Robert Blum of the Asia Society[11], the first director of the project. ‘American impatience and the strong currents of political emotion often make it impossible to plan ahead to manage our policy in a persevering but flexible way.’”[12]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Like the recognition of Bolshevik Russian desired by the international bankers at the earliest stages of the regime, recognition of Red China presented a problem, especially since the USA had given guarantees to Taiwan. A typically duplicitous strategy was therefore required. The USA used the “two-China policy” to secure Red China’s entry into the United Nations, and to sideline Taiwan. The CFR approach was one of gradual promotion of the Mao regime, decrying the so-called “strong currents of emotion” that were holding back the globalist relationship with Red China. Grose explains:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">This seemed just the sort of political stalemate that the Council on Foreign Relations, free of electoral and partisan constraints, was endowed to repair. Midway through the project, the Council published an analysis of public opinion called <em>The American People and China</em> by A. T. Steele, who reached the unexpected conclusion that Americans were more willing than many of their elected officeholders to forge new relations with China. This study argued that it was only a steady diet of hostile public statements that had made Americans “disposed to believe the worst of communist China and they [the Chinese] the worst of us.”[13]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">It is from this milieu that Rockefeller protégé Henry Kissinger[14] emerged as the public architect of the US policy towards China. Grose states of Kissinger and Cyrus Vance:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Kissinger, acting as Nixon’s national security adviser, embarked on a secret mission to Beijing in 1971[15], to make official, exploratory contact with the communist regime. Nixon himself followed in 1972. The delicate process of normalizing diplomatic relations between the United States and China was completed in 1978 by Kissinger’s successor as secretary of state, Cyrus R. Vance, a leading Council officer before and after his government service.[16]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;"><strong>US Trade with Russia & China: The Imbalance</strong></span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">In 1973 David Rockefeller went to China and came back writing of what he saw of China’s “social experiment” being one of the “most important and successful in human history.”[17] His Standard Oil soon obtained exclusive rights to oil exploration, and his Chase Manhattan Bank quickly followed. When in 1978 Taiwan was formally dumped, America’s first Ambassador to Red China was Leonard Woodstock, an early member of David Rockefeller’s Trilateral Commission. On the heels of Rockefeller went Coca Cola, Boeing, and Mitsui-Petro Chemical, all affiliated with the Trilateral Commission; starting a momentum that has made China the universally recognized juggernaut of world capitalism.[18]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">What has developed between the USA and China is a symbiotic economic relationship that exists neither between the USA and Russia nor Russia and China. Niall Ferguson describes what he calls the “growing interdependence” between the USA and China:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Far from being strategic rivals, these two empires have the air of economic partners. The only question is which of the two is more dependent, which, to be precise, stands to lose more in the event of a crisis in their amicable relationship, now over thirty years old.[19]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">While China has been heralded as the power that will be co-equal if not surpassing the USA, leaving Russia in a subordinate position, Russia has the upper hand in economic relations with China, and “will continue to sell oil and weapons on Russian terms.”[20] Trade relations, while heralded by both states, are inconsistent. Of particular significance, <em>Stratfor</em> has forecast that, “competition and mutual suspicion would prevent the rejuvenation of a strategic partnership between the two Eurasian powers. Moscow’s determination to economically integrate with Western Europe also is driving a wedge between the two.”[21] The European Union, not China, is Russia’s main trading partner, and the EU is the most important investor in Russia, based on the 1994 “Partnership & Co-Operation Agreement,” with the aim of an integrated market.[22] In terms of US goods trade, Russia stands at 24<sup>th</sup>; US foreign direct investment (FDI) in Russia (stock) was $21.3 billion in 2009 (latest figures).[23] However, China is the USA’s second largest goods trading partner, and US foreign direct investment (FDI) in China (stock) was $49.4 billion in 2009 (latest data available).[24]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">To what extent, then, is there a geopolitical alliance between Russia and China that is genuinely rooted in a common outlook? Who or what are their common “outer enemies”? The fact seems that, despite the occasional verbiage on the world stage about “tensions” between the USA and China, or future possibilities of geopolitical rivalry over oil supply routes, the power distrusted by both is Russia, and Russia in turn deeply distrusts both.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;"><strong>Russia & USA</strong></span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">The rapport between the USA and Russia was very brief: the interregnum of Gorbachev and Yeltsin, followed by a renewed “Cold War” with the rise of Putin. Gorbachev is today feted as a celebrity by the globalist elite for his having dismantled the Soviet bloc, with the prospect of re-colonizing Russia; a project that had been abruptly halted by Stalin. Gorbachev’s 80<sup>th</sup> birthday celebration at the Royal Albert Hall, March 2011, was billed for “The Man who Changed the World.”[25]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;"><em>Ynet News</em>, one of the large Israeli media outlets, stated of the Gorbachev festivities that among the attendees were Israeli President Shimon Peres, and unnamed “oligarchs.” Israel’s Shimon Peres was a featured guest of the event,<em>Ynet News </em>reporting: “In his speech, the Israeli president said Gorbachev fought to regain what his country had lost to communism, adding that the former Soviet leader changed history.”[26]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">However, despite the flurry of jubilation up until the drunken clown Yeltsin, Russia never could be relied upon to stick to the script, and the Council on Foreign Relations laments that “Russia is heading in the wrong direction.”[27] One of the CFR recommendations is to directly interfere with the Russian political process, urging US Congress to fund opposition movements by increased funding for the <em>Freedom Support Act</em>, in this instance referring specifically to the 2007-2008 presidential elections.[28] Authors of the CFR report include Mark F Brzezinski,[29] who served on the National Security Council as an adviser on Russian and Eurasian affairs under President Clinton; Antonia W Bouis, founding executive director of the Soros Foundations; and James A Harmon, senior advisor to the Rothschild Group, et al.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">The high level policy makers of the globalist establishment, far from seeing China and the USA as rivals, see them as the linchpins of the “new world order.” A report carried by <em>Forbes</em> states:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">The US and China are not in a competition to dominate the world, former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger said during a meeting in Beijing on Tuesday.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">“Such competition is meaningless,” Kissinger was quoted saying in Tuesday’s <em>China Daily</em>. Regarding the South China Sea issue, Kissinger said that freedom of navigation in the area, in which the US has claimed national interests, is a separate issue apart from the territorial disputes between countries in the region.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">“The US’ primary interest is a good relationship with China, not provoking difficulties with it, and the US is not stirring up the Philippines and Vietnam,” he said.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">…The controversial Kissinger was in China for a series of public and private meetings, and also took time-out to promote his book, <em>On China</em>.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">“What I tried to do with my new book is to explain…what the Chinese think about the world,” he told <em>China Daily</em>. “That’s the best I could do in the spirit of building confidence between the two countries,” he said.[30]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">The joint Sino-American project is noticed within Russia. Alexander Lukin, Director of the Center for East Asian and SCO Studies at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations, stated in a scholarly paper:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Two U.S. foreign-policy pundits, Zbigniew Brzezinski and Henry Kissinger, have recently come out with programs for solving global problems in the new situation. In fact, they have proposed to the newly elected U.S. president, Barack Obama, changing the U.S. foreign policy. The positions of the two policymakers do not fully coincide; yet they agree on one thing: a stable future of the world depends on whether or not the United States and China are able to put aside their differences and launch constructive cooperation between themselves.[31]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Lukin also cites an article by Kissinger where he proposes a Sino-US alliance to shape the global system, stating that the USA must be wiling to compromise in order to display its goodwill to China, going so far as to shape China and the USA “into a design for a common destiny, much as was done with trans-Atlantic relations in the postwar period.”[32]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Lukin refers to the anti-Russian motivation that continues to be a primary factor in the thinking of Zbigneiw Brzezinski, as one of the major theorists for US hegemony, Lukin writing:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">The two veteran policymakers build their reasoning on different logic. Kissinger follows up on his own geopolitical concepts, while Brzezinski apparently remains committed to the dominating dream of his life – creating a widest possible anti-Russian coalition. Yet, for various reasons, there is much in common in their recommendations.[33]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Lukin believes that there are various scenarios such as protests from human rights activist in regard to China, that make a Sino-US alliance of the type proposed to Brzezkinski unlikely. His reasons for objections seem naïve. However, Lukin does make an interesting comment about the implications of such a shift in alignments, one being a realignment between Russia and Europe, which he states is a desirable project for Russian policy-makers:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Finally, geopolitically, a U.S. shift towards China would create favorable conditions for the fulfillment of a daydream of many politicians in Moscow: the separation of Europe from the U.S., its rapprochement with Russia, and the creation of a Europe from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. Realistically minded policymakers in Washington are unlikely to be delighted by the prospect.[34]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Despite his belief in the “unfeasibity” of a Sino-US pact, Lukin states of high-level relationships that will at least likely bring the two closer:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Nevertheless, a certain shift in Washington from the ideologization of its foreign policy to pragmatism would inevitably lead to closer cooperation with China. Circles close to the administration are actively discussing the idea of establishing a U.S.-Chinese cooperation commission, to be led by Vice President Joseph Biden and Premier Wen Jiabao (similar to the former U.S.-Russian Albert Gore-Victor Chernomyrdin commission). The two countries have agreed to broaden their bilateral strategic dialogue on economic issues and include security issues in it. They have also announced plans to start discussions on global warming. In addition, shortly before Clinton’s visit, they declared the resumption of consultations between their defense ministries, which had been suspended by China last year after the George W. Bush administration announced plans to sell large quantities of armaments to Taiwan.[35]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Both Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski continue to serve US Administrations, and Brzezinski has served as President Obama’s foreign policy adviser. Brzezinski stated when Russia invaded Georgia:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Fundamentally at stake is what kind of role Russia will play in the new international system. Unfortunately, Putin is putting Russia on a course that is ominously similar to Stalin’s and Hitler’s in the late 1930s… Not only the West, but the rest of the international community, must make it clear that this kind of behavior will result in ostracism and economic and financial penalties. Ultimately, if Russia continues on this course, it must face isolation in the international community – a longer range risk to its own well-being… The question is not what obligation the West may have at the moment. The question is about our longer term interest. If a Russia, which misjudges its power and its capacities embarks now on a blatantly nationalistic and imperialistic course, we will all suffer.[36]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">It is notable that Brzezinski advocates a new Cold War containment of Russia in its own spheres of interest by the “international community,” and that there is concern about Russia as a nationalistic and imperialistic state that does not fit into the globalist schemes for a “new international system.” Brzezinski rightly sees Eurasia as pivotal in world power politics. Russia’s influence over Eurasia is therefore of primary concern to Brzezinski, and to contain that influence he advocates a Sino-American alliance. He writes of the volatile situation in Eurasia:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">In the western periphery of Eurasia, the key players will continue to be France and Germany, and America’s central goal should be to continue to expand the democratic European bridgehead. In the Far East, China is likely to be increasingly pivotal, and the United States will not have a Eurasian strategy unless a Sino-American political consensus is nurtured. In Eurasia’s center, the area between an enlarging Europe and a regionally rising China will remain a political black hole until Russia firmly redefines itself as a post-imperial state. Meanwhile, to the south of Russia, Central Asia threatens to become a cauldron of ethnic conflicts and great-power rivalries.[37]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">It can be seen from the above passage that Brzezinski is recommending:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">• The further ongoing subversion of the former Soviet bloc states that has been taking place via the so-called “velvet” and “color revolutions” orchestrated by the Soros Open Society networks, Freedom House, National Endowment for Democracy, etc.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">• Ensuring that Russia is limited in its relationship with Europe.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">• Aligning with China in containing Russia.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">While Brzezinski focuses on what he regards as the nationalistic and imperialistic revivals of Russia, he refers to the USA as “the world’s premier power.” Hence, US global hegemony is to be regarded as beneficent, while any challenge is regarded as an “imperialistic” danger to the “new international system.”</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">No state is likely to match the United States in the four key dimensions of power – military, economic, technological, and cultural – that confer global political clout.… America’s global stewardship will be tested by tension, turbulence, and periodic conflict.… In a volatile Eurasia, the immediate task is to ensure that no state or combination of states gains the ability to expel the United States or even diminish its decisive role.… A benign American hegemony must still discourage others from posing a challenge.…[38]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">The “medium-term goal” is to forge a Europe that is subservience to US interests, and to support “a regionally pre-eminent China.” Brzezinski states of these goals that “it will be success or failure in forging broader strategic relationships with Europe and China that shapes Russia’s future role and determines Eurasia’s central power equation.”[39] Hence, US global hegemony can be seen to rest on the containment of Russia through the subordination of Europe and a partnership with China.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Japan is required to place trust in China as the dominant power. “There will be no stable equilibrium of power in Eurasia without a deepening strategic understanding between America and China and a clearer definition of Japan’s emerging role.” China’s rise, which he calls “Greater China,” does not pose a challenge to US hegemony, as Brzezinski regards Chinese regional hegemony as different to that of the Russian.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">A de facto sphere of Chinese regional influence is likely to be part of Eurasia’s future. Such a sphere of influence should not be confused with a zone of exclusive political domination, like the Soviet Union had in Eastern Europe. It is more likely to be an area in which weaker states pay special deference to the interests, views, and anticipated reactions of the regionally dominant power. In brief, a Chinese sphere of influence can be defined as one in which the first question in the various capitals is, “What is Beijing’s view on this?”[40]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">“Greater China” does not pose a threat to US strategic interests. So far from there being a potential for geopolitical rivalry between China and the USA, there is a commonality of interests:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Greater China’s geopolitical influence is not necessarily incompatible with America’s strategic interest in a stable, pluralistic Eurasia. For example, China’s growing interest in Central Asia constrains Russia’s ability to achieve a political reintegration of the region under Moscow’s control. In this connection and in regard to the Persian Gulf, China’s growing energy needs means it has a common interest with America in maintaining free access to, and political stability in, the oil-producing regions. Similarly, China’s support for Pakistan restrains India’s ambitions to subordinate that country, while offsetting India’s inclination to cooperate with Russia in regard to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Chinese and Japanese involvement in the development of eastern Siberia can also enhance regional stability.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">The bottom line is that America and China need each other in Eurasia. Greater China should consider America a natural ally for historical as well as political reasons. Unlike Japan or Russia, the United States has never had any territorial designs on China; compared to Great Britain, it has never humiliated China. Moreover, without a viable strategic relationship with America, China is not likely to continue to attract the enormous foreign investment necessary for regional preeminence.… For America, China’s regional power, co-opted into a wider framework of international cooperation, can become an important strategic asset – equal to Europe, more weighty than Japan – in assuring Eurasia’s stability.[41]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">It will be noted that Brzezinski seems to base his perception of states on their relationship to Russia, and in this India, rather than Pakistan, is the problem state that needs containing. Brzezinski therefore sees India as the aggressor vis-à-vis Pakistan, to say nothing of China’s aggressive designs on Indian territory. The various states on whom “Greater China” has territorial ambitions are apparently supposed to ignore those designs, including ongoing provocations. There have been many skirmishes against Vietnam over the Bay of Tonkin, during which fishermen seem to bear the brunt of Chinese aggression.[42] India has faced confrontation with China over Arunachi Pradesh[43]. Late in 2010 there were diplomatic tensions between China and Japan over disputed islands in the East China Sea.[44] Brzezinski’s answer to territorial disputes between Japan and China seems to be that of their jointly “developing” eastern Siberia.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Soros’ attitude towards China parallels Brzezinski’s. Soros bases his perceptions of China as a super-power that has matured and has to accept global responsibilities as being co-leader of the “new world order” along with the USA. Accepting his award as “Globalist of the Year” from the Canadian International Council, the currency speculator who admits to having a messiah complex, stated of China that: “They have now got to accept responsibility for world order and the interests of other people as well.” When Soros was asked about an impending visit to China in 2009 he stated to the London <em>Financial Times</em>:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">This would be the time because I think you really need to bring China into the creation of a new world order, financial world order. I think you need a new world order, that China has to be part of the process of creating it and they have to buy in, they have to own it in the same way as the United States owns … the current order.[45]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;"><strong>China & Israel</strong></span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Since the establishment of Israel and Red China at around the same time there has been an ongoing, although usually covert, relationship, despite the posturing of China as the friend of the Palestinians and the Arab cause. From 1949 Israel was the only independent state in the Middle East to recognize Red China and support its admittance to the United Nations. During the 1960s and 1970s China adopted a pro-Arab posture in attempting to counter Soviet influence. However, despite an attempt at alignment with the Arab states, in 1971 Zhou told Senator Henry Jackson, who was as opposed to the USSR as he was supportive of Israel, that China supported Israel in its opposition to Soviet expansion in the Middle East.[46]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">However, the real significance of Sino-Israeli relations was through the covert arms deals largely arranged by Shaul Eisenberg, “Mossad’s tie-in with China.”[47] In 1979, when China was posing as the friend of the Arab people, Prime Minister Menachem Begin obtained US approval for Eisenberg to undertake a $US10 billion 10 year deal to modernize the Chinese armed forces, the Chinese insisting on “absolute secrecy.”[48] In 1999 <em>The New York Times</em> reported, “Israel has long had a close, secretive military relationship, with China.”[49] The Clinton Administration made some protestations to Israel about the dealings in advanced weapons technologies to placate concerns in the State and Commerce Departments, but allowed US corporations to advance classified technologies for satellite and missile launching, despite the objections of the Pentagon and others, and even while the corporations were being investigated for prior export violations.[50]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;"><strong>Sino-US-Israeli Alignment in Middle East</strong></span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">As the foregoing shows, the relations between the USA, China, and Israel have been duplicitous, and have often been far different in reality, behind-the-scenes, than the posturing on the world stage. All three have had a common anti-Russian motivation. Now, with the so-called “Arab Spring,” contrived by the same interests that brought “velvet revolutions” to the former Soviet bloc states[51] and with the worrying prospect that these new regimes in the Middle East might have unleashed forces that cannot be controlled by their money-masters and advisers in New York and Washington, Israeli sources are urging a joint Sino-American-Israeli intervention.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">A <em>Jerusalem Post</em> op-ed by Dr Shalom Wald[52] and Dr Gedaliah Afterman[53] comments on the visit by Chinese Chief of Staff, General Chen Bingde, to Israel in August 2011, that this is an opportunity for China to have a “stabilizing” impact on the region:</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Indeed, improved Israel-China ties could have a positive impact not only on Israel but on the whole region. It could signal the Iranians and their Arab followers, Hamas and Hezbollah, that notwithstanding the help that some of them may have received from China in the past, China has no time and no sympathy for wild, genocidal ranting. China’s rapid ascendance and its interest in maintaining regional stability in the Middle East means China may be more ready to play a role in regional affairs and in the Middle East peace process.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">The United States’ reaction to growing Israel-China ties will be crucial. All efforts should be made to convince Israel’s closest ally that it is in its own interest to let China lend a helping hand in stabilizing the Middle East.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">The Arabs and Iranians listen to China because they have to. China was their great neighbor for thousands of years before the United States was even formed, and before Europe become a power in the Middle East. Today China is their most important Asian energy market, and provides political cover because it does not ask them for political or human-rights concessions.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 30px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">In his recently published book <em>On China</em>, Henry Kissinger continues his most important struggle – to help avoid the clash between a traditional and a rising great power which has occurred so often in history. He suggests that America can and must cope with China’s peaceful rise, but also asks the Chinese to become more involved in maintaining peace and stability on a global level. Have the Chinese already listened to him on the Middle East? Has the United States?[54]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">As has been shown by the “Brzezinski Doctrine,” globalist interests in the USA have already been urging a joint Sino-US role, in the Middle East. An Israeli overture in that direction will give impetus for the Obama Administration to adopt the globalist agenda, especially given the current tumult that globalist interference has unleashed over the Middle East.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;"><strong>Conclusions</strong></span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Globalist interests, headed up by David Rockefeller and Soros, and articulated by Henry Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski, see Russia as the major obstacle to a “new world order,” as they have since the time of Stalin. China long has been seen as the means of containing Russia. Now China is a super-power in her own right, and one that – despite occasional rhetoric from public rostrums about “democracy” and “human rights” – globalist business interests welcome as being privotal to the “new world order.”</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">While internationalist and Israeli aims have occasionally been divergent, both are in confluence in considering China as a means of “stabilizing” Eurasia and the Middle East respectively. The US internationalists have been pursuing a pro-China agenda since before Mao assumed power, and the Israelis have always maintained a (usually covert) relationship with China. The present is the overt culmination of the largely unseen agendas of decades past.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">These globalist interests do not need persuading to advocate for a Chinese role in “stabilizing” the Middle East. This role would also be useful in containing Russia in that region, just as China is also seen as the major factor in blocking Russia’s influence over Eurasia. The USA, Israel and China have all seen Russia, both in her Soviet and post-Soviet modes, as the primary adversary. A US-China-Israel alliance is more in accord with historical facts than the current Sino-Russian rapport, which could face crises scenarios over water resources, and the ancient Chinese desire for <em>lebensraum</em> in Russia, which is seen by the “Brzezinski Doctrine” as acceptable for the “development” (sic) of Siberia.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">The option for Middle Eastern states that reject a joint Sino-US hegemony could be alignment with Russia. In Europe, the American-appeasing Sarkozy is an aberration of French politics. While Britain is likely to remain the USA’s primary ally in Europe, already there is disquiet from Germany about Europe being dragged into US military adventures that do not serve Europe’s interests. Building upon the relationship Europe is developing with Russia would be desirable, along the lines envisioned by de Gaulle.</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">The “Brzezinski Doctrine,” if we may call it that, could be the catalyst not for a Sino-US “new world order” but for the emergence of great geopolitical power blocs, and “vectors” of the type foreseen in particular by Russian geopolitical theoreticians who already have significance in Russian political and scholarly circles.[55]</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;"><strong>Notes</strong></span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[1] K R Bolton, “Origins of the Cold War and how Stalin Foiled a New World Order,” <em>Foreign Policy Journal</em>, 31 May 2010,<a href="http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2010/05/31/origins-of-the-cold-war-how-stalin-foild-a-new-world-order" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2010/05/31/origins-of-the-cold-war-how-stalin-foild-a-new-world-order</a></span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[2] K R Bolton, “Mikhail Gorbachev: Globalist Super-Star,” <em>Foreign Policy Journal, </em>April 3, 2011,<a href="http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2011/04/03/mikhail-gorbachev-globalist-super-star/" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2011/04/03/mikhail-gorbachev-globalist-super-star/</a></span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[3] K R Bolton, “Russia and China: An Approaching Conflict?,” <em>Journal of Social, Political & Economic Studies</em>, Washington DC, Vol. 34, No. 2, Summer 2009.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[4] K R Bolton, “Rivalry Over Water Resources as a Potential Cause of Conflict in Asia,” <em>Journal of Social, Political & Economic Studies</em>, Vol. 35, No. 1, Spring 2010.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[5] J Chang and J Halliday, <em>Mao: The Unknown Story</em> (London: Jonathan Cape, 2005), pp. 570-571.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[6] H J Salisbury, <em>The Coming War Between Russia & China </em>(London: Pan Books, 1969).</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[7] H J Salisbury, ibid. See: K R Bolton, “Russia and China: An Approaching Conflict?,” op. cit., p. 156.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[8] K R Bolton ibid., 156.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[9] J Chang and J Halliday, op. cit., pp. 304-311. They confirm a basic contention by Senator Joseph McCarthy et al that the USA was pursuing a pro-Maoist course. See: Joseph R McCarthy (1951), <em>America’s Retreat from Victory: The Story of George Catlett Marshall</em> (Boston: Western Islands, 1965); and John T Flynn (1961), <em>While You Slept: Our Tragedy in Asia & Who Made It</em> (Boston: Western Islands, 1965).</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[10] See the chapter “Maoism Falls Flat on the World Stage,” in Chang and Halliday, ibid., pp. 587-600.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[11] It is interesting to note that Robert Blum, head of the CFR China team, was also with the Asia Society, another Rockefeller think tank that had been founded in 1956 by John D Rockefeller III. The by-line of the Society is: “Preparing Asians and Americans for a shared future.”<a href="http://www.asiasociety.org/about/mission.html" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.asiasociety.org/about/mission.html</a> (Accessed 2 March 2010).</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Asia Society Trustees currently include:<strong> </strong>Charles P. Rockefeller, and John D. Rockefeller IV, a member of David Rockefeller’s Trilateral Commission and of the CFR. The chairman of the Asia Society’s Executive Committee is Richard C Holbrooke, former US Ambassador to the UN, a Trilateralist and CFR member.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[12] P Grose, <em>Continuing The Inquiry:</em> <em>The Council on Foreign Relations from 1921 to 1996</em>, “X Leads the Way.” (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 2006). The entire book can be read online at: Council on Foreign Relations:<a href="http://www.cfr.org/about/history/cfr/index.html" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.cfr.org/about/history/cfr/index.html</a></span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[13] Ibid.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[14] Kissinger started his public policy career as director of the Special Studies Project of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund in 1956-57; had served as chief foreign policy adviser to Governor Nelson Rockefeller, and had been Rockefeller aide at the 1964 and 1968 Republican conventions.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[15] Grose mentions in a Note that: “Accompanying Kissinger on this momentous flight was his personal aide, Winston Lord, a former Foreign Service officer [who] became president of the Council on Foreign Relations in 1977.”</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[16] Ibid.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[17] D Rockefeller, “From a China Traveller,” <em>New York Times</em>, August 10, 1973.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[18] For the involvement of Trilateralist Commissioners in formulating policy on China, see: Dr Antony C Sutton and Patrick M Wood, <em>Trilateralists Over Washington</em> Vol. 2 (Arizona: The August Corporation, 1981), pp. 63-72.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[19] N Ferguson, <em>Colossus: The Rise & Fall of the American Empire</em> (London: Allen Lane, 2004), p. 261.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[20] “Moscow Takes Charge of Chinese-Russian Trade Relations,” <em>Stratfor Intelligence Brief</em>, April 29, 2004.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[21] “Moscow Takes Charge,” ibid.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[22] European Commission, “Trade: Russia,” http://ec.europa.eu/trade/creating-opportunities/bilateral-relations/countries/russia/</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[23] Office of the US Trade Representative, “US-Russia Trade Facts,”<a href="http://www.ustr.gov/countries-regions/europe-middle-east/russia-and-eurasia/russia" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.ustr.gov/countries-regions/europe-middle-east/russia-and-eurasia/russia</a></span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[24] Office of the US Trade Representative, “US-China Trade Facts,”<a href="http://www.ustr.gov/countries-regions/china" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.ustr.gov/countries-regions/china</a></span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[25] K R Bolton, “Mikhail Gorbachev: Globalist Super-Star,” <em>Foreign Policy Journal</em>, April 3, 2011<a href="http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2011/04/03/mikhail-gorbachev-globalist-super-star" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2011/04/03/mikhail-gorbachev-globalist-super-star</a></span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[26] K R Bolton, ibid.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[27] Jack Kemp, et al, <em>Russia’s Wrong Direction: What the United States Can and Should Do, </em>Independent Task Force Report no. 57<em> </em>(New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 2006) xi. The entire publication can be downloaded at:<a href="http://www.cfr.org/publication/9997/" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.cfr.org/publication/9997/</a></span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[28] Jack Kemp, et al, ibid., p. 7.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[29] Son of Zbigniew, President Carter’s National Security adviser and founding director of the Trilateral Commission.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[30] K Rapoza, June 28, 2011, “Kissinger: US-China Not Competing for World Domination,” <em>Forbes</em>,<a href="http://www.forbes.com/sites/kenrapoza/2011/06/28/kissinger-us-china-not-competing-for-world-domination/" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.forbes.com/sites/kenrapoza/2011/06/28/kissinger-us-china-not-competing-for-world-domination/</a></span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[31] A Lukin, “Rusia to Reinforce the Asian Vector: Some Priorities of Russian Foreign Policy After the Crisis,” <em>Russia in Global Affairs</em>, Vol. 7, No. 2, April June 2009, p. 86; referring to Z Brzezinski, “The Group of Two that could change the world,” in <em>The Financial Times, </em>January 13, 2009.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[32] H Kissinger, “The World Must Forge a New Order or Retreat to Chaos,”<em>The Independent,</em> January 20, 2009; cited by A Lukin, ibid.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[33] A Lukin, ibid., p. 87.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[34] A Lukin, ibid., p. 92.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[35] A Lukin, ibid., p. 93.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[36] N Gartdel’s interview with Z Brzezinski, August 10, 2008,<a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/nathan-gardels/brzezinski-russias-invasi_b_118029.html" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.huffingtonpost.com/nathan-gardels/brzezinski-russias-invasi_b_118029.html</a></span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[37] Z Brzezinski, “A Geostrategy for Eurasia,’<em> Foreign Affairs</em>, Council on Foreign Relations, New York, Vol. 76, No. 5, September/October 1997<a href="http://www.comw.org/pda/fulltext/9709brzezinski.html" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.comw.org/pda/fulltext/9709brzezinski.html</a></span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[38] Ibid.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[39] Ibid.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[40] Ibid.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[41] Ibid.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[42] K R Bolton, “Russian and China: an Approaching Conflict?,” op. cit. pp. 164-165.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[43] Ibid., pp. 165-166.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[44] W Pesek, “Pop Group and Pandas – Asian Power Games Descends into Farce,” <em>The Dominion Post</em>, Wellington, New Zealand, B9, October 1, 2010.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[45] R Clabough, “George Soros Touts China as Leader of New World Order,”<em>New American</em>, November 17, 2010, <a href="http://thenewamerican.com/world-mainmenu-26/north-america-mainmenu-36/5226-george-soros-touts-china-as-leader-of-new-world-order" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://thenewamerican.com/world-mainmenu-26/north-america-mainmenu-36/5226-george-soros-touts-china-as-leader-of-new-world-order</a></span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[46] Guang Pan, “China’s Success in the Middle East,” <em>Middle East Quarterly</em>, Vol. 4, No. 4, December 1997.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[47] V Ostrovsky, <em>By Way of Deception: The Making & Unmaking of a Mossad Officer</em> (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1990), p. 26.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[48] Uri Dan, <em>New York Post</em>, March 30, 1997.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[49] <em>New York Times</em>, November 11, 1999, p. 1.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[50] M Levin, <em>Washington Times</em>, May 27, 1999, A1.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[51] K R Bolton, “Tunisian Revolt: another Soros/NED Jack-Up?,” <em>Foreign Policy Journal</em>, January 18, 2011, <a href="http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2011/01/18/Tunisian-revolt-another-sorosned-jack-up" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2011/01/18/Tunisian-revolt-another-sorosned-jack-up</a></span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">“What’s Behind the Tumult in Egypt?,” <em>Foreign Policy Journal, </em>February 1, 2011, <a href="http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2011/02/01/whats-behind-the-tumult-in-egypt" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2011/02/01/whats-behind-the-tumult-in-egypt</a></span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">“Post-Qaddafi Libya’: on the Globalist Road,” <em>Foreign Policy Journal,</em>February 26, 2011, <a href="http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2011/02/26/post-qaddafi-libya-on-the-globalist-road/" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2011/02/26/post-qaddafi-libya-on-the-globalist-road/</a></span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">“Egypt and Tunisia: Plutocracy Won,” <em>Foreign Policy Journal</em>, June 28, 2011,<a href="http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2011/06/28/egypt-and-tunisia-plutocracy-won" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2011/06/28/egypt-and-tunisia-plutocracy-won</a></span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[52] Senior fellow of the Jewish People Policy Institute and author of <em>China and the Jewish People: old civilizations in a new era</em> (JPPI, 2004).</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[53] Fellow of the Jewish People Policy Institute.</span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[54] S Wald and G Afterman, “China Enters the Middle East,” <em>Jerusalem Post</em>, August 23, 2011, <a href="http://new.jpost.com/Opinion/Op-EdContributors/Article.aspx?id=235150" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://new.jpost.com/Opinion/Op-EdContributors/Article.aspx?id=235150</a></span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">Thanks to Maidhc Ó Cathail, editor of <em>The Passionate Attachment</em>, for bringing this to my attention.<a href="http://thepassionateattachment.com/2011/09/15/israel-to-convince-us-to-let-china-play-role-in-stabilizing-middle-east/" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">http://thepassionateattachment.com/2011/09/15/israel-to-convince-us-to-let-china-play-role-in-stabilizing-middle-east/</a></span></div></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: white;">[55] K R Bolton, “An ANZAC-Indo-Russian Alliance? Geopolitical Alternatives for New Zealand and Australia,” <em>India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs</em>, (New Delhi: Indian Council of World affairs), Vol. 66, No. 2 June 2010, pp. 183-201.</span></div></div></div><br />
<div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="background-color: white; font-family: georgia, 'palatino linotype', palatino, 'times new roman', times, serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 19px;">_________________________________</span></div><div style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-size: 14px; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 15px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: left; vertical-align: baseline;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: georgia, 'palatino linotype', palatino, 'times new roman', times, serif;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="line-height: 19px;"><br />
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</div><div class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 16pt;">For the explanation of the above see:<o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 16pt;"><a href="http://1law-order-and-justice.blogspot.com/2012/02/justice-of-god-cia-and-religion.html">The Justice of God: The Justice of God: The CIA and religion</a><o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 16pt;">USA-Israel-China versus Russia-Europe-Arabia via superpatriot neo cons hardline Amerika firsters, Zbigniew Brzezinski (hardline super-fascist) and Henry Kissinger (ultra hardline Zionist):<o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 16pt;"><a href="http://communistnazinewworldorder.blogspot.com/2012/02/le-cercle-gladio-knights-of-malta-opus.html">النازي الشيوعي النظام العالمي الجديد: Le Cercle - Gladio - Knights of Malta - Opus Dei - Priory the Sion</a><o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 16pt;">The <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Vatican</st1:place></st1:country-region> sold out to this decades ago.<o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 16pt;"><a href="http://1amendmentcont.blogspot.com/2012/02/sowing-seeds-of-global-government.html">God and His Messiah Jesus Christ our Lord - our right and duty to witness to Him: Sowing the Seeds of Global Government: The Vatican’s Quest for a World Political Authority</a><o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 16pt;">Heinz und Josef did the selling out of the <st1:country-region w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Vatican</st1:place></st1:country-region> and everybody else they could.<o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 16pt;"><a href="http://1law-order-and-justice.blogspot.com/2011/11/parousia-of-jesus-christ-our-lord_23.html">The Justice of God: Parousia of Jesus Christ Our Lord: Benediktos et HeinzaKisinger - Heinz und Josef</a><o:p></o:p></span></div><div class="MsoNormal"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal"> </div>DoxaMichaelhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/02108327951424273074noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-397968883514093681.post-43360417427787078372011-09-17T20:06:00.001+03:002011-09-17T20:09:55.822+03:00Jüri Lina - Recommended reading<div id="sitemapNavi"><ul class="sitemap-1"><li><a href="http://www.jyrilina.com/index.php?page=aboutjyri" target="_self">About Jüri Lina</a></li><li><a href="http://www.jyrilina.com/index.php?page=under-the-sign-of-the-scorpion--the-rise-and-fall-of-the-soviet-empire" target="_self">Under the Sign of the Scorpion: the Rise and Fall of the Soviet Empire</a></li><li><a href="http://www.jyrilina.com/index.php?page=architects-of-deception" target="_self"> Architects of Deception: The Concealed History of Freemasonry</a></li><li><a href="http://www.jyrilina.com/index.php?page=the-lightbringers--the-emissaries-of-jahbulon-eng" target="_self">The Lightbringers: The Emissaries of Jahbulon</a></li><li><a href="http://www.jyrilina.com/index.php?page=in-the-shadow-of-hermes--the-secrets-of-communism" target="_self">In the Shadow of Hermes: The Secrets of Communism</a></li></ul></div> <a name="f0a341d4ad0b56468927" class="hiddenAnchor"></a><h1>Under the sign of the Scorpion- the Rise and Fall of the Soviet Empire</h1> <a name="0fd0bb04ad0b91298698" class="hiddenAnchor"></a><p><span style="font-family: Verdana;"><span style="font-size: small;"><strong>SECOND, ENLARGED EDITION IN ENGLISH</strong><br /><br />This 447 page book provides stunning information about the secret role of the freemasons in international politics, about the bloody upheavals in France in 1789 and in Russia in 1917. The Author reveals the presence of dark Masonic forces behind the scenes (both Lenin and Trotsky were high-ranking freemasons and Illuminati, obeying the International Masonic Council). The Author pursues the history of the communist ideology from the Illuminati of the 18th century, to Moses Hess and his disciples Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. The Illuminati movement was founded on the 1st of May 1776 in Ingolstadt, Bavaria. The book describes the role of the Illuminati in the French "Revolution". It then goes on to examine the so-called Russian Revolutions in 1917. J�ri Lina shows how the events in Russia between 1917 and 1991 still affect the fate of the world.<br /><br />The author tries to answer questions like: Where did the Communist idea originate and how was it developed? Why did powerful international financial circles finance the "Russian revolutionaries" in March and November 1917? What was the purpose of the social destruction that followed and in which way did this serve the forces behind the Communists?<br />"Under the Sign of the Scorpion" will change the reader's perception of reality. After the fall of the Soviet power on the 24th of August 1991, the official archives have begun to reveal their secrets to amazed Russian historians. There is a constant flow of new shocking information but only a trickle has as yet reached us in Western Europe and America. Above all, we lack an overall picture. It is this picture which J�ri Lina attempts to give us in his book, which is largely based on released Russian material.<br />The author also explains why the Soviet Union was abolished and is currently being recreated under another name - the European Union.<br /><br />"Under the Sign of the Scorpion" is likely to change the reader's perception of reality. The reader should gain insight into another reality from where certain powers are attempting to control us with invisible threads.<br />The book is illustrated.<br /><br /><br />International customers may order the book by paying US $ 40 (USA,), 25 (UK), 35 euros within the European Union.<br /><br /><br />If you are a resident of the United States, you can send a money order on 40 US dollars to our agent in North America in his name:<br /><br />Mr. Reino Trass<br />50 Old Kingston Road 5-116<br />Scarborough, Toronto, Ontario M1E 4Y1<br />Canada<br /><br />Phone: + (416) 724 55 16<br /><br /><br /><br />If you are a resident of Canada, you can send a check or a money order on 45 Canadian dollars to our agent in North America in his name:<br /><br />Mr. Reino Trass<br />50 Old Kingston Road 5-116<br />Scarborough, Toronto, Ontario M1E 4Y1<br /><br />Phone: + (416) 724 55 16<br /><br /><br />If you are a resident of the European Union, please, pay the money into Juri Lina's bank account in Sweden:<br /><br />Swift: HANDSESS<br />account 374 462 682<br /><br />IBAN: SE03 6000 0000 0003 7446 2682<br />In Svenska Handelsbanken (Hallunda Torg,<br />Box 24, 145 01 Norsborg,<br />Sweden), to Jüri Lina.<br /><br />You may also mail cash directly to:<br /><br /><br /><br />Jyri Lina<br />Referent<br />Friggs vag 6 IV<br />145 69 Norsborg (Stockholm)<br />Sweden<br /><br />Or contact Juri Lina via e mail jyrilina@yahoo.com.<br /><br /></span></span></p><hr /> <span style="font-family: Verdana;"><span style="font-size: small;"> <strong><br /><img src="http://www.jyrilina.com/portal/pics/upload/kaaned/scorpion-140.jpg" alt="" border="1" /><br />Contents<br /></strong><br /><div style="margin-left: 40px;"><strong>1.</strong> <strong>Myths Concerning False Communists and Sham Christians</strong><br /><br /><strong>2.</strong><strong> The Illuminati: Triumph of Treachery </strong></div> <div style="margin-left: 80px;">The Ideological Background of the Illuminati<br />The First Disclosures<br />The Murders of Mozart and Schiller<br />The Illuminati as Infiltrators<br />The Jesuits’ Totalitarianism as a Prototype<br />The Illuminati’s First National Coup<br />The Illuminati’s Way to World Power<br /> </div> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><strong>3.</strong> <strong>Karl Marx –Evil’s Idol </strong></div> <div style="margin-left: 80px;">Moses Hess – the Teacher of Marx and Engels<br />The Background of Marx’s View of Humanity<br />Incredible Admissions by Marx, Disraeli and others<br />Marx and Engels as Illuminati<br />1848: "The Year of Revolution" – the First Wave<br />March 1848 – The Prepared Plan<br />The Second Wave 1848-49><br />The Illuminist Terror Continues...<br />The Truth Behind the Myths<br />Marx as a Publicist<br />The Moral Bankruptcy of Marxism<br /> </div> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><strong>4.</strong> <strong>The Unknown Vladimir Ulyanov </strong></div> <div style="margin-left: 80px;">Lenin as a Freemason<br />The First Freemasons in Russia<br />Lenin’s Nature<br />Lenin’s Terror<br />The Ideological Background of the Terror<br />Lenin’s Last Days<br /> </div> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><strong>5. Leon Trotsky – Cynic and Sadist </strong></div> <div style="margin-left: 80px;">Trotsky as a Freemason<br />Trotsky’s Teacher Parvus<br />The Attempts at a Coup d’�tat in 1905<br />Trotsky Abroad<br />Trotsky as a Merciless Despot<br />Trotsky’s Comrades<br />The fall of Admiral Shchastny<br />The Kronstadt Rebellion<br />Trotsky as a Grey Eminence<br />Trotsky as an Anti-intellectual<br />The Murder of Sergei Yesenin<br />Stalin as Victor<br />The Murder of Trotsky<br /> </div> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><strong>6.</strong> <strong>How the Communists Reached Power </strong></div> <div style="margin-left: 80px;">The Background of the First World War<br />Where did the Russian Jews originate?<br />The Coup in February 1917<br />Similarities to the Deposition of the Shah<br />The Return of Lenin and Trotsky<br />Revelations in the Press<br />Kornilov’s Revolt<br />The Take-Over of Power<br />The German Aid<br />The Beginning of the Government Terror<br /> </div> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><strong>7.</strong> <strong>Through the Labyrinth of Murder</strong><br /><br /><strong>8.</strong> <strong>The Bloodthirsty Wolf of the Kremlin – Lazar Kaganovich </strong></div> <div style="margin-left: 80px;">Kaganovich as a Grey Eminence<br />Destruction of Russian Culture<br />The Great Famine and Other Crimes<br />The Great Terror<br />Beria’s Contribution<br />The Murder of Stalin<br />The Power Struggle After Stalin’s Death<br /> </div> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><strong>9.</strong> <strong>American Aid to the Soviet Union </strong></div> <div style="margin-left: 80px;">"Intervention" as a Diversion<br />Famine as a Weapon<br />Deals with the Bolsheviks<br />Collectivisation as a Weapon<br />Construction of the Soviet Regime<br />Increasing American Support<br />War Aid to Moscow<br />Foreign Slaves in the Soviet Union<br />Stalin’s Holy War<br />Aid During the "Cold War"<br />Dismantling the Soviet Union<br />Phasing Out of Communism in Eastern Europe<br />The United States Also Helped the Chinese Communists Gain Power.<br /><br /> </div> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><strong>10.</strong> <strong>The Communist Take Over in Estonia</strong><br /><br />Some Conclusions<br />Index</div><br /></span></span><span style="font-family: Verdana;"><span style="font-size: small;"><br /><strong>Lenin as a Freemason</strong><br /><br />Whether Lenin was a freemason as early as in the 1890s is not yet possible to determine but he worked in the same way as subversive groups usually do. The Illuminati, the Grand Orient, B'nai B'rith (Sons of the Covenant), and other Masonic lodges were all interested in agitating the workers towards certain "useful" goals.<br />It is important to stress that Lenin and his henchmen did not work for a living. They could still afford to travel around Europe (then relatively more expensive than now) and live in luxury. These professional revolutionaries had only one task - to agitate the workers. Lenin's later activity shows clearly how he followed Adam Weishaupt's line.<br />Several sources reveal that Lenin became a freemason whilst abroad in 1908. One of these sources is a thorough investigation: Nikolai Svitkov's "About Freemasonry in Russian Exile", published in Paris in 1932. According to Svitkov, the most important freemasons from Russia were Vladimir Ulyanov-Lenin, Leon Trotsky (Leiba Bronstein), Grigori Zinoviev (Gerson Radomyslsky), Leon Kamenev (actually Leiba Rosen-feld), Karl Radek (Tobiach Sobelsohn), Maxim Litvinov (Meyer Hennokh Wallakh), Yakov Sverdlov (Yankel-Aaron Solomon), L. Martov (Yuli Zederbaum), and Maxim Gorky (Alexei Peshkov), among others.<br />According to the Austrian political scientist Karl Steinhauser's "EG - die Super-UdSSR von morgen" / "The European Union - the Super Soviet Union (USSR) of Tomorrow" (Vienna, 1992, p. 192), Lenin belonged to the Masonic lodge Art et Travail (Art and Labour). The famous British politician Winston Churchill also confirmed that Lenin and Trotsky belonged to the circle of the Masonic and Illuminist conspirators. (Illustrated Sunday Herald, 8 February 1920.)<br />Lenin, Zinoviev, Radek and Sverdlov also belonged to B'nai B'rith. Researchers who are specialised in the activities of B'nai B'rith, including Schwartz-Bostunich, confirmed this infor-mation. (Viktor Ostretsov, "Freemasonry, Culture and Russian History", Moscow, 1999, pp. 582-583.)<br />Lenin was a freemason of the 31st degree (Grand Inspecteur Inquisiteur Commandeur) and a member of the lodge Art et Travail in Switzerland and France. (Oleg Platonov, "Russia's Crown of Thorns: The Secret History of Freemasonry", Moscow, 2000, part II, p. 417.)<br />When Lenin visited the headquarters of Grand Orient on rue Cadet in Paris, he signed the visitors' book. (Viktor Kuznetsov, "The Secret of the October Coup", St. Petersburg, 2001, p. 42.)<br />Together with Trotsky, Lenin took part in the International Masonic Conference in Copenhagen in 1910. (Franz Weissin, "Der Weg zum Sozialismus" / "The Road to Socialism", Munich, 1930, p. 9.) The socialisation of Europe was on the agenda.<br />Alexander Galpern, then secretary of the Masonic Supreme Council, confirmed in 1916 that there were Bolsheviks among the freemasons. I can further mention Nikolai Sukhanov (actually Himmer) and N. Sokolov. According to Galpern's testimony, the freemasons also gave Lenin financial aid to his revolutionary activity. This was certified by a known freemason, Grigori Aronson, in his article "Freemasons in Russian Politics", published in the Novoye Russkoye Slovo (New York, 8-12 October 1959). The historian Boris Nikolayevsky also mentioned this in his book "The Russian Freemasons and the Revolution" (Moscow, 1990).<br />In 1914, two Bolsheviks, Ivan Skvortsov-Stepanov and Grigori Petrovsky, contacted the freemason Alexander Konovalov for economic aid. The latter became a minister in the Provisional Government.<br />Radio Russia also spoke of Lenin's activities as a freemason on 12 August 1991.<br /><br /><br /><strong>THROUGH THE LABYRINTH OF MURDER</strong><br /><br />It was the morning of the 30th of August 1918. A cyclist turned up in Petrograd’s Palace Square at around nine o’clock. He stopped at house number 6, the headquarters of the Commune Commissariat for Internal Affairs and the Extra-Ordinary Commission, the Cheka. This terror organisation had been founded on 7 December 1917, but officially it did not exist. Only on the 18th December 1927 did Pravda publish the decree officially establishing the Cheka. The cyclist was a young man wearing a leather jacket and an officer’s cap. He left his bicycle by the door and entered.<br /> It was reception day at the Commissariat for Internal Affairs. The visitors were waiting in the hall and did not notice the young man who sat down near the outer door.<br /> Moisei Uritsky (actually Boretsky) arrived in his car at around ten o’clock. He was the chairman of the Petrograd Cheka. Uritsky became infamous as the "Butcher of Petrograd". He threatened to kill all Russians who spoke their native language well. He claimed there was no greater pleasure than watching monarchists die, according to Igor Bunich ("The Party’s Gold", St. Petersburg, 1992) and Oleg Platonov ("The History of the Russian People in the Twentieth Century", Moscow, 1997, p. 613). Uritsky had executed 5000 officers with his own hands. Now he quickly walked towards the lift door. Suddenly several shots were heard. It was the young man in the leather jacket who had approached Uritsky and shot him in his head and body. Uritsky collapsed. The murderer ran out into the street, jumped on his bicycle and began pedalling as fast as he could.<br /> When they began to chase him by car, he threw away his bicycle and ran into the British Representation. He left the representation after having donned a longcoat. When he saw Red Guards, he opened fire but was quickly overpowered.<br /> This was the official description of Moisei Uritsky’s murder. The suspect was a 22-year-old Jewish student of technology, Leonid Kannegisser. This cock-and-bull story was published in 1975 in the book "The Elimination of the Anti-Soviet Subversive Movement" by D. Golinkov, who used to investigate especially important cases at the office of the Public Prosecutor of the Soviet Union.<br /> The doctor of history, P. Sofinov, described the same event in a very different manner in 1960, in his book about the history of the Cheka. On the morning of the 30th of August, the Social Revolutionary Kennigisser, who was the freemason Savinkov’s agent as well as a spy for the British and the French, murdered the chief of the Cheka in Petrograd, Moisei Uritsky, in his office. Felix Dzerzhinsky (actually Rufin) gave orders to search the British Embassy on the 31st of August.<br /> The Social Revolutionary Kennigisser had become the student Kannegisser in the meantime, and now he had murdered Uritsky in the hallway of the Cheka instead of in Uritsky’s office. Sofinov’s version probably seemed too contrived to be credible.<br /> Grigori Nilov’s (Alexander Kravtsov’s) book "The Grammar of Leninism" was published in London in 1990. In this book the author gave neither theory credibility. Instead he claimed that the Bolshevik party and the central organisation of the Cheka with Lenin and Dzerzhinsky at the head were behind Uritsky’s murder.<br /> The book "The Party’s Gold" by the historian Igor Bunich was published in St. Petersburg in 1992. Igor Bunich reveals that the murder of Uritsky was organised by Dzerzhinsky’s prot�g� Gleb Boky who later became Dzerzhinsky’s successor. The Jewish Chekist, Boky, used to feed the flesh of the executed to the animals in the zoo. Igor Bunich demonstrated that Lenin personally gave the order to murder Uritsky and also to stage an attempt on his own life to give himself a reason to immediately begin the mass terror against the Russian population. The murder was also Uritsky’s punishment for stealing some of the confiscated riches from behind Lenin’s back, together with V. Volodarsky (actually Moisei Goldstein) and the freemason Andronnikov (who was chief of the Cheka in Kronstadt). Everything was sold via certain Scandinavian banks – but more about that later.<br /> The murder of Sergei Kirov (actually Kostrikov) on 1 December 1934 was in many ways similar to Uritsky’s murder. Kirov was officially murdered by Leonid Nikolaiev. Both of those high party functionaries had been murdered professionally and without obstacles. Both were warned in advance. Both murderers could freely gain entrance to the respective buildings.<br /> It is clear today that Stalin was behind the murder of Kirov, despite the fact that there are no documents about this. There is no lack of evidence and logical arguments. Kirov’s bodyguard was prevented from accompanying him, so that the real murderer could shoot the Leningrad Party Secretary at exactly 4:30 in the afternoon. That event provided a good reason for Stalin to begin his campaign of mass terror. At least 7 million people were killed during that campaign and 18 million were imprisoned. 97 per cent of the participants at the 1934 Party Congress were liquidated.<br /> Kravtsov presented some suspect circumstances in connection with the murder of Uritsky, who was also a member of the Central Committee. No analysis was made of Kannegisser’s revolver and ammunition. The Cheka did not seem to want the truth to come out. Kannegisser was never taken to trial, but was illegally killed. If Kannegisser had really been a Social Revolutionary, then a trial would have been a propaganda triumph for the regime. It would have been publicly announced who planned the murder. But not even the motive for Uritsky’s murder was ever revealed.<br /> In contrast, it is known now that Lenin became furious when he received reports from Alexander Parvus in Berlin in which it was revealed that someone in Petrograd had stolen from Lenin. Just before Dzerzhinsky had travelled to Switzerland to investigate the situation. It turned out that not all the cargoes had reached Berlin; not all the money had ended up in the Swiss bank accounts of Lenin and his approved comrades. Some cargoes of "nationalised" goods had been sent to Sweden, including many valuable icons (some of these are still on display in the National Museum in Stockholm), the money had gone into the hands of other people than Trotsky and Lenin. The guilty parties were soon found, in June 1918. The main suspects were Uritsky, Volodarsky and Andronnikov (the chief of the Cheka in Kronstadt). They had stolen whole cargoes and sold everything through different Scandinavian banks. 78 million roubles in gold had vanished in this way. (Igor Bunich, "The Party’s Gold", St. Petersburg, 1992, p. 41.) The thieves (others were also involved) had stolen goods worth a total of 2.5 billion roubles in gold. At various auctions in Stockholm in the autumn of 1995, Russia began buying back valuable antique furniture which had been illicitly transported to Sweden.<br /> This came as an unpleasant surprise for Parvus, since Uritsky and Volodarsky had been his favourite disciples. Parvus had founded a Yiddish newspaper, Arbaiter Stimme (Worker’s Voice) for Uritsky in Copenhagen, on which Grigory Chudnovsky and Nikolai Gordon (Leiba Alie Hael Gordon) had also worked. The latter was a Latvian Jew and a close collaborator with Grigory Zinoviev (Ovsei Radomyslsky).<br /> In Moscow, Lenin promised to solve the problem. And indeed, Volodarsky was murdered in the same month. Uritsky led the investigation and learned the truth, upon which he also was murdered.<br /> Kannegisser declared that he had acted alone. The Social Revolutionaries denied all knowledge of Kannegisser. He had never been a member of their party.<br /> Even the circumstance that Kannegisser was wearing an officer’s cap was peculiar when others had hidden their caps to avoid being executed. It seems he wanted to draw attention to himself. The fact that he ran into the British Embassy to change was also surprising. He only took off his leather jacket and put on a longcoat. Why, then, did he run away from the site of the murder at all? It was also very odd that he managed to approach Uritsky unhindered and that he was able to escape with the same ease after shooting him. It was impossible to enter without a special permit, since there were armed guards at the door. Unknown persons could not even speak to Uritsky on the telephone. This has been confirmed by Mikhail Aldanov. Why did no one react? They saw and heard everything!<br /> Mikhail Aldanov demonstrated in his study that Kannegisser could not shoot. Aldanov knew both him and his family well. How then, could Kannegisser hit Uritsky in his head like a sharpshooter when the latter was walking quickly towards the lift? It appears that Kannegisser was used as a shadowman, just as Leonid Nikolaiev was later used in Kirov’s murder.<br /> Moreover, Lenin, on the afternoon of the 30th of August 1918, sent Dzerzhinsky a short letter, where two people who had shot Uritsky were named. Why has nothing been mentioned about these two later? Who were they?<br /> The fact that Kannegisser admitted to the crime is irrelevant, since the Chekist torturers could make anyone admit to anything. In this case, the opportunity was taken to accuse the right wing of the Social Revolutionaries of the murder.<br /> It has now been confirmed that the central organisation of the Cheka, headed by Gleb Boky, was behind Uritsky’s murder. (<strong>Igor Bunich, "The Party’s Gold", St. Petersburg, 1992, p. 47.</strong>)<br /> So the motive was to exact revenge on Uritsky for his thefts. The main purpose was to be given a reason to begin the mass terror. The murder of Kirov had the same motive. But was there not also another reason to dispose of Uritsky now that he had solved the mystery of another murder? <br /> V. Volodarsky (Moisei Goldstein) had been murdered under puzzling circumstances on June 20, 1918. He was the people’s commissary for press, propaganda and agitation. His murderer was at once stamped as a right wing Social Revolutionary, despite the fact that he was never caught.<br /> The Bolshevik leadership in Moscow wanted to begin the massacre immediately. Moisei Uritsky, who investigated the murder of Volodarsky, refused to agree to this. He suspected the hand of the central leadership behind this murder. That was why it was impossible to use this murder as a pretext. Lenin was beside himself with rage. This is clear from Lenin’s angry telegrams, sent on the 26th of June 1918 to Grigori Zinoviev, the chairman of the Petrograd Party Committee. Lenin wrote, among other things: "We in the Central Committee heard today that Piter’s workers want to respond to Volodarsky’s murder with terror but you (not you personally, but Piter’s civil servants) held back. I protest strongly!"<br /> The only one who could ignore the demands to begin the terror was Petrograd’s 45-year-old chief Chekist, Moisei Uritsky. According to Alexander Kravtsov, this telegram clearly shows that the murder of Volodarsky was planned and organised by the Cheka under orders from Lenin. This was confirmed by the historian Igor Bunich.<br /><br /><br /><strong>Kornilov’s Revolt </strong><br /><br /> The Supreme Commander of the Russian army, General Lavr Kornilov (1870-1918), no longer wanted to take part in the shady game of the revolutionary freemasons. He broke away from them and began preparations in Mogilev to overthrow Kerensky’s government. Kornilov understood that those left-wing ministers, who for many years had been shouting that they could do better than the Tsar’s ministers were actually perfectly ignorant people.<br /> According to the prevailing myth, the February revolution was a very positive event. In reality, this coup d’�tat led only to anarchy, as the writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn emphasised in a BBC interview.<br /> On 19 August (1st September), Kornilov ordered his Cossacks to attack Petrograd. On 25 August (7th September) Kornilov said to his chief of staff: "It is time to hang the Germans’ supporters and spies led by Lenin. And we must destroy the soviets so that they can never assemble again!"<br /> On the same day he sent General Alexander Krymov’s troops towards Petrograd with orders to hang all soviet members. (<strong>John Shelton Curtiss, "The Russian Revolution of 1917", New York, 1957, p. 50.</strong>)<br /> In his proclamation on August 26th (September 8th), (Novoye Vremya, 11th of September 1917), Kornilov accused the Provisional Government of co-operating with the Germans to undermine the state and army. He wanted to dissolve the soviets and demanded that Kerensky should step down and give the power up to him. Kornilov understood that the Bolsheviks were the greatest danger to Russia. That was why he wanted them all imprisoned.<br /> Kerensky knew he had been exposed. His game was over. So he continued releasing imprisoned Bolsheviks. Kozlowski was also set free. He worked as a Chekist after the Bolsheviks’ take-over of power.<br /> Kerensky was seized with panic and declared on the 27th of August (September 9th) that Kornilov was a mutineer and officially deprived him of his command. Kerensky turned to the Bolsheviks for help against Kornilov to salvage whatever he could. All the Bolsheviks were, as if by magic, immediately cleared of all charges and presented as the best possible defenders of democracy. Had not Trotsky said in the United States that power should be given to whoever was best able to develop democracy in Russia? The Bolsheviks, however, did everything they could to keep Kerensky in power. It was still too early for them to take over. The Bolsheviks had completely "forgotten" Lenin’s slogan: "No support for the Provisional Government!" (<strong>"The Shorter Biography of Lenin", Moscow, 1955, p. 168.</strong>)<br />The Bolsheviks began organising political strikes. They encouraged the workers and soldiers to defend the government. On the 27th of August the socialists founded a Central Committee against the counter-revolution together with the Bolsheviks. They ordered thousands of sailors from Kronstadt to Petrograd. The workers of Petrograd were forcibly mobilised. The Bolsheviks threatened to kill them if they did not obey. The Red Guards were immediately given back the weapons which had been confiscated during the fierce July days. The soviets began arresting people, primarily those who were suspected of sympathising with Kornilov. Thousands of officers were arrested in this way. A total of 7000 politically "suspect" people were arrested. (<strong>John Shelton Curtiss, "The Russian Revolution of 1917", New York, 1957, p. 53.</strong>)<br /> The railwaymen were also mobilised and began sabotaging the railways. Thus Kornilov’s �lite troops were halted and surrounded.<br /> International freemasonry suddenly began using enormous resources to halt Kornilov, since the appearance of his revolt on the political scene had not been in the manuscript; he had to be removed by any means possible, including guile and violence. He was depicted as the worst thing that ever happened to Russia. Myths about him continue to be spread to this day. It is even claimed that he was ignorant of politics. <br /> The freemasons began a huge propaganda campaign among Kornilov’s soldiers who were thoroughly scared and confused. General Alexander Krymov (a freemason) was invited to negotiations with Kerensky. I do not know what they threatened Krymov with, but upon leaving this meeting he shot himself (if it was really he who held the weapon).<br /><br />The freemasons succeeded with their combined efforts in stopping Kornilov’s national troops barely a week later, on 30 August (12th September). The left-wing leaders have always regarded right-wing national patriots as the biggest threat to their socialist worldview. Kornilov was arrested on the 1st (14th) of September but later managed to escape.<br /> The Bolsheviks immediately took the initiative in the soviets. On the same day Kornilov was arrested, they gained a majority in the Petrograd Soviet in the local elections. They became dominant in Moscow on 8 (21) September.<br /> Trotsky was also released from prison on 4 (17) September. Nobody wanted to remember anything about the July scandal any longer. Now the time was ripe to prepare a quiet, peaceful transfer of power. The suitable astrological time for the seizure of power had been calculated in advance.<br /><br /><br /><strong>The Take-Over of Power </strong><br /><br /> To confuse and to camouflage their Illuminist order in Russia, the Bolshevik leadership intended to call the future regime the Soviet (i.e. Kahal) regime.<br /> On 21 September 1917, Jakub F�rstenberg sent a telegram from Stockholm to Raphael Scholan (Shaumann) in Haparanda (<strong>it is preserved in the American National Archives</strong>): "Dear comrade! The office of the banking house M. Warburg has opened in accordance with telegram from president of Rhenish-Westphalian Syndicate an account for the undertaking of Comrade Trotsky. The attorney (agent), presumably Mr. Kastroff, purchased arms and has organised their transportation... And a person authorised to receive the money demanded by Comrade Trotsky. F�rstenberg."<br /> On 23 September (6 October) Trotsky was elected chairman of the Petrograd Workers’ and Soldiers’ Soviet, despite his being neither a soldier nor a worker. Everything was possible among the freemasons.<br /> Meanwhile, the United States demanded ever larger contributions to the war from Kerensky. The Provisional Government reluctantly complied. The minister for war affairs, Alexander Verkhovsky, resigned in protest. It is interesting to note that the American demands ceased immediately after the Bolsheviks had seized power.<br /> I must point out here that, according to Antony Sutton, different documents in the archives of the American State Department prove that David Francis, the American ambassador in Moscow, was kept well-informed about the Bolsheviks’ plans. The White House knew at least six weeks in advance when the Bolsheviks would take over power. That event had been appointed to take place on a date which happened to coincide with Trotsky’s birthday. So, those plans were known in the United States as early as the 13th (26th) September 1917.<br /> The president of the United States Woodrow Wilson knew in advance that the Bolshevik take-over would prolong the world war. But he did nothing to stop their plans. On the contrary, he did everything in his power to aid them. The United States of America was the only nation to make a huge profit on the war. All the other warring powers lost gigantic sums and came to owe the United States a total of 14 billion dollars. It has been calculated that the international financial �lite made a total of 208 billion dollars on the war.<br /> The British government also knew about the Bolshevik plans, since they also recommended that their subjects leave Moscow at least six weeks before the take-over. (<strong>Antony C. Sutton, "Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution", Morley, 1981, p. 45.</strong>) So it appears both London and Washington knew who they were dealing with.<br /> The 8th of November came ever closer and the Bolsheviks did everything in their power to spread apathy among the workers and soldiers, which they later intended to exploit. They also tried to tempt people with the magic word: "Peace!", which no longer felt so treasonable.<br /> The Bolshevik Party was not very large at this point. Furthermore, it had an Illuminist core of 4000 members who were most active. Meanwhile, the circulation of Pravda decreased from 220 000 to 85 000 copies.<br /> According to Margarita Fofanova, Lenin returned to Petrograd on the 5th and not the 20th of October, as officially claimed. He stayed with Fofanova until the take-over. The authorities knew perfectly well that Lenin was in Petrograd. This was confirmed to an official by Lenin’s sister Maria. The Provisional Government did not in any way try to pursue or arrest Lenin.<br /> The Bolshevik plans to seize power were no secret. The general public was not ignorant about them and least of all the Provisional Government. Zinoviev and Kamenev wrote quite openly of their plans in the newspaper Novaya Zhizn on the 31st of October. Lenin had also spoken publicly of those plans on a number of occasions. The historian E. M. Halliday admitted in his book "Russia in Revolution" (Malm�, 1968, p. 114) that the authorities knew of the Bolshevik plans in detail. So why, unless they were involved in the conspiracy, did they do nothing about it?<br /> For several historians, however, the mystery was not so much the fact that the Bolsheviks had officially discussed their take-over plans in the press, but that the Provisional Government took no steps to protect itself; in fact it did quite the opposite. Prime Minister Alexander Kerensky refused to order special troops to Petrograd, when this was suggested. (<strong>Mikhail Heller and Alexander Nekrich, "Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 37.</strong>)<br /> It is of course a fabrication that the leading Bolsheviks gathered on the 23rd of October (5th of November) in Nikolai Sukhanov’s (Gimmel’s) flat and only then decided to organise the assault on the Winter Palace. Any other Bolshevik leaders but Lenin and Trotsky would have said that armed action was completely unnecessary, since they would gain power at the Second Soviet Congress on the 25th October (7th of November) anyway. This seems to have been a later invention since Trotsky had already formed a military revolutionary committee on the 12th (25th) of October. The power was transferred to this organ in secret on the 21st of October (3rd of November). (<strong>Heller and Nekrich, "Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 38.</strong>)<br /> All the available facts today suggest an organised plot and not any kind of spontaneous action.<br /> Lenin was not seen between the 2nd and 7th of November. He was not needed. It was Trotsky who organised everything. Lenin disappeared from Fofanova’s flat in the late evenings. Only Stalin knew anything about Lenin’s mysterious disappearances. Lenin was not at Fofanova’s on the evening of the 24th of October (6th of November). Neither was he in the Soviet building in the Smolny palace. This was confirmed in the book "About Nadezhda Krupskaya", published in 1988 in Moscow. Nadezhda had come from Smolny to Fofanova’s flat to look for Lenin. But he was not there. The historians Heller and Nekrich came to the same conclusion: Lenin was not even in Smolny in the late evening of the 6th of November. According to other sources, he turned up only on the 7th of November. He had taken a tram to Smolny. Lenin said to Trotsky in German: "Es schwindelt!" (I’m dizzy!). He was in control!<br /> Lenin immediately began threatening with executions if he was not completely obeyed. But it was still Trotsky who led the show.<br /> The Soviet Congress, which had taken up residence in the Smolny Girls’ School, was led by Fiodor Dan (actually Gurvich, 1871-1947), one of the Menshevik leaders. The conspirators announced already at 10:40 in the morning of the 7th of November that the Provisional Government had been overthrown and the power seized by the soviets. The Soviet Congress accepted the motion to form a new government -– the Council of People’s Commissaries (Sovnarkom). The suggestion received 390 votes out of 650. The government was to be exclusively composed of Bolsheviks with Lenin at the head. The leader of the Mensheviks, L. Martov, left the congress together with the other members of his party.<br /> It was actually the military revolutionary committee who had seized the power. The Bolsheviks modelled it on the revolutionary committees the Jacobins created during the so-called French Revolution. The committee in Petrograd consisted of 18 Commissars. Most of them were either Jews or married to Jewesses. The chairman was Leon Trotsky (Jew). Other members were: Vladimir Ulyanov-Lenin (half-Jew), Adolf Yoffe (Jew), Josef Unschlicht (Jew), Gleb Boky (Jew), Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko (Jew), Konstantin Mekhonoshin (Jew), Mikhail Lashevich (Jew), Felix Dzerzhinsky (Rufin, Jew), P. Lazimir (Jew), A. Sadovsky (Jew), Pavel Dybenko (married to the Jewess Alexandra Kollontay), Nikolai Podvoisky, Vyacheslav Molotov (actually Skryabin), Vladimir Nevsky (Feodosi Krivobokov), Andrei Bubnov and Nikolai Skrypnik.<br /> Lenin and his government gained power temporarily. That was why he also called his government provisional until the Constituent Assembly was elected on the 17th of November.<br /> Something inexplicable happened at this point: in fact – nothing at all happened on the afternoon of the 7th of November. The historians cannot understand why the Winter Palace was not taken at once. The Soviet Congress also paused a while. Trotsky went into another room to rest. It was officially claimed that Lenin was in the building too, and went to sleep in another room in the afternoon.<br /> At this time Lenin seemed to be but Trotsky’s bloodhound. At the Soviet Congress, only Trotsky was seen as he now and then came out to speak with some members. Lenin was nowhere to be seen. He only sent a few notes to Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko, Nikolai Podvoisky and some of the others at the congress. (<strong>Sergei Melgunov, "How the Bolsheviks Seized Power", Paris, 1953.</strong>)<br /> According to the myth, about 5000 sailors had already gathered around the Winter Palace to prepare the storming early in the morning of the 25th October (7th of November). In actual fact, this building was taken over by a few hundred "revolutionaries", including 50 Red Guards, who calmly just marched straight into the palace.<br /> What happened to all of those tens of thousands of "revolutionary soldiers" who are so warmly spoken of in the history books? This was just another fabrication, for the Winter Palace was never stormed. It was not necessary. But to take over the seat of power at a carefully calculated point in time was a symbolic act with astrological connotations for Lenin and Trotsky.<br /> That was why Trotsky still wanted to gather as many people as possible. 235 workers were brought from the Baltic Dockyard. Only 80 were fetched from the Putilov Factory, despite 1500 Red Guards having been officially registered there. A total of 26 000 worked there. All the important sites in the city were taken over by a few thousand "revolutionaries"...<br /> The first Red Guards gathered by the Winter Palace only at around 4:30 in the afternoon, according to the exiled Russian historian Sergei Melgunov. The chief of the Red Guards, Vladimir Nevsky (who later became People’s Commissary for Communications), received orders to wait. At around six o’clock, the principal of the Artillery Academy in Mikhailovsk ordered his cadets to leave the Winter Palace. The Cossacks also left, according to Sergei Melgunov’s book "How the Bolsheviks Seized Power" (Paris, 1953, p. 119).<br /> Eventually only two companies of the women’s battalion and 40 disabled soldiers remained. This cannot be explained in any other way than that the Provisional Government did everything in its power to hand the Winter Palace over to the Bolsheviks as peacefully as possible. The Provisional Government no longer held any power. It was all just a big show for the public.<br /> The theatres held their performances, the restaurants stayed open. Nobody noticed that anything strange was going on. The bridge watchmen had no idea about the real situation, either. Lenin and Trotsky, wishing to be on the safe side by securing all the transport routes between the different areas of the city, had bribed all the bridge watchmen.<br /> Time passed and still nothing happened. Everybody waited. According to the myth, the Bolsheviks had issued an ultimatum to the Provisional Government, which refused to answer. But how could they issue an ultimatum to a government which already on the 3rd of November had voluntarily handed over power to the military revolutionary committee? Besides, Trotsky had confirmed at 2:35 in the afternoon of the 7th of November that the Provisional Government no longer existed. At 10 o’clock the Soviet Congress had proclaimed: "Government power lies with the Military Revolutionary Committee!"<br /> Why it was necessary for Trotsky to put up a show will soon be evident to the observant reader. Trotsky wanted the whole spectacle to appear more dramatic than it actually was. For this reason, he had a number of shells fired from the Peter-Paul Fort while trams continued to roll over the Troitsky Bridge, according to the British ambassador Sir George Buchanan (who, by the way, was involved in the deposition of the Tsar). The remarkable thing was that those shells never hit the Winter Palace. The official explanation was that they were aimed too badly. But why could the Bolsheviks not find anyone among all those thousands of "revolutionary soldiers" who could aim properly? It appears that those who fired the shells suddenly lost their ability to aim straight. All those explosions only managed to break one single window. Why were precisely 35 shells fired? Did that number have some Cabbalistic meaning?<br /> The Red Guards waited for a while outside the Winter Palace despite the absence of guards at the sidedoor, according to M. Heller and A. Nekrich ("Utopia in Power", London, 1986, p. 41). Neither did the Petrograd Garrison take any action against the Bolsheviks. They just watched the show.<br /> The Red Guards walked around in the city and coerced a few sailors into following them to the Winter Palace, including Indrikis Ruckulis, who was a 27-year-old Latvian officer from Kronstadt and the commander of a group of sailors. He was threatened with death when he refused to accompany the Red Guards. He asserted that no single shell was fired from the armoured cruiser Aurora to give the signal for the storming, as was later claimed (Expressen, the 17th of October 1984). This was another myth.<br /> There was no storming of the Winter Palace. Everything proceeded calmly. No blood was spilled. The Red Guards just waited until it was time to march in. They waited until 1:30 in the morning, according to Indrikis Ruckulis and several other sources. They opened fire for fifteen minutes for the sake of appearances. Nobody was hurt during this "battle", according to a young Marxist, Uralov, who was there. There was nobody to hurt. The Bolsheviks’ fire was never answered.<br /> The Red Guards and sailors then walked through side doors into the Winter Palace, according to the historians Mikhail Heller and Alexander Nekrich, who had found testimonies relating this. The remaining members of the women’s battalion made no resistance, but "capitulated immediately". When the Bolsheviks had coolly walked in through the unguarded entrances, they strolled about in the halls and corridors and greeted the "defenders", who did not resist, in a friendly manner (E. M. Halliday, "Russia in Revolution", Malm�, 1968, p. 120). Even E. M. Halliday confirms that there was never a battle. Only in Moscow was any kind of resistance offered. The Kremlin was fired upon until three in the morning, despite the fact that the cadets had left the building by 7 o’clock on the previous evening.<br /> Vladimir Antonov-Ovseyenko (1883-1937), who was a comrade of Trotsky, had been given the task of removing the Provisional Government. Here something extremely puzzling occurred. This was related by Radio Russia on the 12th of August 1991 at two in the afternoon.<br /> Antonov-Ovseyenko and his Red Guards reached the Malachite Hall just before two o’clock and waited behind a door leading to the council chamber of the Provisional Government. The government (without Kerensky) had, against all reason, gathered there. Why?<br /> Antonov-Ovseyenko just stood looking at the clock. Red Guards and sailors also stood waiting for Antonov-Ovseyenko’s signal. They waited there for about ten minutes. He later sent a telegram to Lenin: "The Winter Palace was taken over at 2:04."<br /> At 2:10 Antonov-Ovseyenko said: "It is time!" ("Para!") to the Red Guards. He opened the door and said something very cryptic: "Gentlemen! Your time is up!"<br /> We may presume that the Bolsheviks officially took over on the 26th October (8th of November) 1917 at 2:04 in the morning. A closer astrological investigation reveals that the sun was just then in the precise centre of the sign of Scorpio (14*58’).<br /> In the horoscope of the Soviet regime, MC (Medium Coeli = the zenith) lay 4*28’ in Gemini (which stands for power) – an aspect which was favourable to the seizure of power. This horoscope was the worst possible for the subjects of the Soviet Union. It shows that everything was based upon deceit. Only technical development was favoured, spiritual values were entirely rejected. Only the terrorist powermongers were at an advantage. According to its horoscope, the Soviet regime brought nothing good at all into the world. People should have been wary of such a deadly power. It brought only enormous problems and catastrophes. This interpretation is confirmed by the Swedish astrologer Anders Ekström in Skyttorp.<br /><br /></span></span><hr /> <span style="font-family: Verdana;"><span style="font-size: small;"><strong>Review</strong><br /><br />REVIEWED: Swedish book "Under Skorpionens tecken: Sovjetmaktens uppkomst och fall". ("Under the Sign of the Scorpion: The Rise and Fall of Soviet Empire"), Referent Publishing, Stockholm, 2002.<br /><br />"Under the Sign of the Scorpion" is a fantastic book. Even its subtitle, "The Rise and Fall of Soviet Empire" seemed to promise just too much. The present reviewer was not disappointed, however. In the comparatively small space of 447 pages the author has succeeded in giving the reader that wealth of details (the index of persons mentioned in the book comprises more than 1200 names) as well as that necessary survey which together make a historical account alive, in the highest degree.<br /><br />Lina starts by following, in two chapters, the history of com�munist thought from 18th century Illuminates up to Moses Hess and his disciples Marx and Engels. The subsequent chapters on Lenin and Trotsky, respectively, afford a lot of little known facts. For instance, how many people know that both Lenin and Trotsky and Marx and Engels were high-ranking freemasons?<br /><br />Thereupon Lina concentrates on the course of events leading up to the November coup of 1917, the so-called Russian Revolu�tion. Beside generally known facts about the aid given by the German government, Lina gives a detailed account of the finan�cial aid that bank circles in Germany, Great Britain, and the United States gave the Bolshevik leaders. He also exposes that network of family and other personal relationships which made it possible for very influential, chiefly Jewish financial groups to operate across the borders of the two combating blocs of the First World War.<br /><br />Lina proves to be a skilful pedagogue when demonstrating how the implacable mutual hostility that was enacted between the financial and revolutionary interests, was just a show to deceive the masses: "The Revolution as a business venture."<br /><br />His description of the time after 1917 is chiefly devoted to the nameless mass terror, which the Soviet Power directed against the defenseless population, including the destruction of the Russian intelligentsia, and the annihilation of the Russian culture.<br /><br />Why did the Bolsheviks nourish such a deep-set hatred of everything Russian, desiring to destroy it even to the extent that it threatened their own material existence? According to Lina, the reason for this was that the majority of the Bolshevik leadership were not Russians at all but extremist Jews. This is a fact that some debaters feel is controversial. Lina, however, presents detailed evidence that is very difficult to dismiss.<br /><br />Still, many a reader may find it very difficult to conceive the fact that a powerful empire in our century could so easily fall prey to ruthless gangsters who immediately set out to slaughter tens of millions of innocent people, organized mass famine (Ukraine and Northern Caucasia, in 1932-33), to say nothing of the rest. Anyhow, the facts are there.<br /><br />The fall of Soviet Power on 24 August 1991 made it possible, for the first time, to publicize lots of secret materials about this power and its abusers during more than 70 years. One strong point with Lina's book is that he gives us what appears to be a rich summary of what has hitherto been published by Russian historians but which has not reached out of Russia except than in small rivulets.<br /><br />Jüri Lina is an Estonian, living in Sweden since 1979 when he, like Alexander Solzhenitsyn, was forced into exile after recurring conflicts with the political police KGB. The last chapter of his book he devotes to the fate of his fatherland under Soviet Power, 1940-41 and 1944-1991. Here, too, "the Jewish connection" is very clearly seen. To cite just an instance: When Soviet Russia occupied Estonia for the first time, in 1940, this was preceded by diverse underground activities by the Estonian Communist Party. These were without much effect, however, mainly because the party was so small in numbers. Out of the total of 133 members in 1940, however, 67 were also members of two Jewish "cultural" associations. That is to say, there was a majority of Jews in the Communist fifth column that attempted to overthrow the Estonian Republic, while at the same time the Jews were not more than 0,4 per cent of the total population.<br /><br />This last chapter on Estonia is very interesting to read also because the wealth of details of the destinies of individuals who "chanced to escape the anonymity of the great terror waves". Here, Lina bases his presentation on his own research into the archives of Estonian KGB, now open to researchers. It is also very upsetting to read about this mass of human suffering - what else could we expect?<br /><br />In the opinion of the present reviewer, Jüri Lina's book "Under the Sign of the Scorpion: The Rise and Fall of Soviet Empire" is one of those rare books that must leave a profound and lasting impression on every reader.<br /><br />Reviewed by S. D. Savallar</span></span>SntMartyrhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11197760281270769367noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-397968883514093681.post-72096085103142436612011-08-22T08:20:00.005+03:002011-08-22T09:13:06.652+03:00Communist World Government: 1841: The World-Historic Split in Western Philosophy The "Expurgation of Hegelianism"<a href="http://communistworldgovernment.blogspot.com/2011/08/1841-world-historic-split-in-western.html">Communist World Government: 1841: The World-Historic Split in Western Philosophy The "Expurgation of Hegelianism"</a><span style="font-size:100%;">
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<br />One of the most explicit Hegelian and Machiavellian Political Scientists and Saboteurs in the top echelons of the Bavarian Black Guelph Illuminist New World Order (the controlling power behind Western and Communist and Israeli Intelligence Agencies) is Heinz (aka Henry) Kissinger. Hegelian: Crisis Creation, Conflict Resolution, Top Down Centralized Collectivized Political Control - is his specialty. Benjamin Netanyahu and American Presidents, amongst others, take their marching orders from him. Kissinger is a Zionist and also has stated that the Holy Roman Empire should be brought back into being. This has been in the works for a long time and is being accomplished now in the 1956 Rome Treaty based Pan European Union. The overt invasion of Palestine, the Naqba, dates from 1948.
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<br />Below is a partial lineage of Kissinger:
<br /></span><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:worddocument> <w:view>Normal</w:View> <w:zoom>0</w:Zoom> <w:punctuationkerning/> <w:validateagainstschemas/> <w:saveifxmlinvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid> <w:ignoremixedcontent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent> <w:alwaysshowplaceholdertext>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText> <w:compatibility> <w:breakwrappedtables/> <w:snaptogridincell/> <w:applybreakingrules/> <w:wraptextwithpunct/> <w:useasianbreakrules/> <w:dontgrowautofit/> <w:usefelayout/> </w:Compatibility> <w:browserlevel>MicrosoftInternetExplorer4</w:BrowserLevel> </w:WordDocument> </xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:latentstyles deflockedstate="false" latentstylecount="156"> </w:LatentStyles> </xml><![endif]--><!--[if !mso]><object classid="clsid:38481807-CA0E-42D2-BF39-B33AF135CC4D" id="ieooui"></object> <style> st1\:*{behavior:url(#ieooui) } </style> <![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 10]> <style> /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Table Normal"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0in; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:10.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-ansi-language:#0400; mso-fareast-language:#0400; mso-bidi-language:#0400;} </style> <![endif]--> <p class="MsoNormal">Weishaupt's second-in-command, Baron von Knigge, had also struck up a friendship with Mauvillon - to the benefit of the Illuminati. In a letter to Weishaupt, he writes: "I have now found in Cassel the best man, on whom I cannot congratulate ourselves enough: he is Mauvillon, Grand Master of one of the Royal York Lodges. So with him we have the whole lodge in our hands. He has also got from there all their miserable degrees." [NW: 210] </p>
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<br /></span><table summary="Illuminati Membership, 1776 - 1787: Name, Code Name (Alias), Occupation/Area, Circle of Influence. May include a more descriptive analysis in the form of a 3-col-spanning column below main cells." id="st"><tbody><tr><th class="nm" id="m51">Meggenhofen, Ferdinand Baron von (1760-1790) </th> <td> <em>Sulla</em> </td> <td> Regiments auditor, Burghausen; Captain in the Bavarian service </td> <td>
<br /></td> </tr> <tr> <th rowspan="2" class="nm" id="m52"> Metternich, Franz Georg Karl von (1746-1818) </th> <td> <em>Ximenez</em> </td> <td> Imperial Ambassador at Coblenz </td> <td> Prince Clemens Metternich (son) -> the Rothschilds and Henry Kissinger </td></tr></tbody></table>
<br /><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:worddocument> <w:view>Normal</w:View> <w:zoom>0</w:Zoom> <w:punctuationkerning/> <w:validateagainstschemas/> <w:saveifxmlinvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid> <w:ignoremixedcontent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent> <w:alwaysshowplaceholdertext>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText> <w:compatibility> <w:breakwrappedtables/> <w:snaptogridincell/> <w:applybreakingrules/> <w:wraptextwithpunct/> <w:useasianbreakrules/> <w:dontgrowautofit/> <w:usefelayout/> </w:Compatibility> <w:browserlevel>MicrosoftInternetExplorer4</w:BrowserLevel> </w:WordDocument> </xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:latentstyles deflockedstate="false" latentstylecount="156"> </w:LatentStyles> </xml><![endif]--><!--[if !mso]><object classid="clsid:38481807-CA0E-42D2-BF39-B33AF135CC4D" id="ieooui"></object> <style> st1\:*{behavior:url(#ieooui) } </style> <![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 10]> <style> /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Table Normal"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0in; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:10.0pt; font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"; mso-ansi-language:#0400; mso-fareast-language:#0400; mso-bidi-language:#0400;} </style> <![endif]--> <p class="MsoNormal">Metternich was a diplomat, his son Count Clemens Metternich followed in his father's footsteps; very famous in his time and one of the principal negotiators of the Congress of Vienna, he also became involved with the Rothschilds. Interestingly, Henry Kissinger would write his PhD thesis in 1957 on the life of Clemens Metternich, titled A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of Peace 1812-22. <a name="ia57"></a><a href="http://www.conspiracyarchive.com/NWO/Illuminati_Notes.htm#ib57"><span style="">57</span><span style=""></span></a><span style=""></span> </p> <p class="MsoNormal">57 For the Rothschild connection see Business Week's review - <a href="http://www.businessweek.com/1998/49/b3607071.htm" title="The Richest Dynasty in History">The Richest Dynasty in History</a> - of Niall Ferguson's THE HOUSE OF ROTHSCHILD: Money's Prophets, 1798-1848. Kissinger's thesis on Metternich is <a href="http://nobelprize.org/peace/laureates/1973/kissinger-bio.html" title="Kissinger Bio">easy enough to confirm</a>. N.B.: I just received a copy of Ferguson's book on the Rothschilds yesterday (Aug. 4th); there is indeed a wealth of information on Metternich and others connected with the Illuminati (such as the Hesse-Kassel family). I will start reading it soon, and probably use some of the info when I post part two of this Illuminati research. <a href="http://www.conspiracyarchive.com/NWO/Illuminati.htm#ia57" title="back to main text">ˆ</a> <span style=""> </span>(From: http://www.conspiracyarchive.com/NWO/Illuminati.htm)</p> <p class="MsoNormal">________________________________________________</p> <p class="MsoNormal">
<br /></p><p class="MsoNormal">The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) was born as an American offshoot of Cecil Rhodes's British Round Table. Its roster has included most of the presidents and secretaries of state for the last six decades. Henry Kissinger was inducted as a young academic and the CFR published his breakthrough book, Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, in which Kissinger originated the idea of "winnable" nuclear war. (From: http://www.theunexplainedmysteries.com/bavarian-illuminati.html)
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<br /></p><p class="MsoNormal">From: <a href="http://www.terrorism-illuminati.com/">Terrorism and the Illuminati </a>by David Livingstone
<br /></p><div id="content-header"> <h1 class="title">The Trails of Henry Kissinger</h1> </div> <div id="node-88" class="node node-type-video"><div class="node-inner"> <div class="meta"> <div class="terms terms-inline"> category: <ul class="links inline"><li class="taxonomy_term_6 first last"><a href="http://www.terrorism-illuminati.com/videos/video-tags/covert-ops" rel="tag" title="">Covert Ops</a></li></ul></div> </div> <div class="content"> <span class="print-link"><span class="print_mail"></span></span><p> </p><div id="node-88" class="node node-teaser node-type-video"><div class="node-inner"> <h2 class="title"> <a href="http://www.terrorism-illuminati.com/video/trails-henry-kissinger" title="The Trails of Henry Kissinger">The Trails of Henry Kissinger</a> </h2> <div class="meta"> <div class="terms terms-inline"> category: <ul class="links inline"><li class="taxonomy_term_6 first last active"><a href="http://www.terrorism-illuminati.com/videos/video-tags/covert-ops" rel="tag" title="" class="active">Covert Ops</a></li></ul></div> </div> <div class="content"> <div class="field field-type-emvideo field-field-video"> <div class="field-items"> <div class="field-item odd"> <a href="http://www.terrorism-illuminati.com/video/trails-henry-kissinger"><img src="http://0.gvt0.com/ThumbnailServer2?app=vss&contentid=baf7cffea6300c6c&offsetms=580000&itag=w320&hl=en&sigh=__Zg24_dUTCnbjh-QxeSsJt4ETqFU=" alt="See video" title="See video" width="120" height="90" /></a> </div> </div> </div>Click on Picture or links for Video at Site <h2 class="title"><a href="http://www.terrorism-illuminati.com/video/trails-henry-kissinger" title="The Trails of Henry Kissinger">The Trails of Henry Kissinger</a></h2> </div> </div></div> </div>________________________________________________ </div></div>
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<br /><a href="http://www.bibliotecapleyades.net/sociopolitica/sociopol_1001club02.htm">The 1001 Club - Incomplete Membership List</a>
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<br /><b> <span style="font-family:Arial;">Kissinger, Heinz "Henry " Alfred</span></b>
<br />
<br /></span><span style=";font-family:Arial;font-size:100%;" >Henry Kissinger was born in the Bavarian city of Fuerth. He was a son of Louis and Paula Stern Kissinger. The elder Kissinger was a school teacher and after Hitler's rise to power, the family immigrated to London in 1938. After a short stay, they moved to Washington Heights in New York City. Recruited by Fritz Kraemer during WWII. Served in the U.S. Army Counter Intelligence Corps 1943-1946. Captain in the Military Intelligence Reserve 1946-1949. Executive director Harvard International Seminar 1951-1969. Consultant to the Operations Research Office 1950-1961, a John Hopkins University think tank about psychological warfare and under contract to the Department of the Army. Director Psychological Strategy Board 1952. Member of the Department of Government, Center for International Affairs, Harvard University, 1954-1969. Consultant Operations Coordinating Board 1955. Study director of nuclear weapons and foreign policy at the Council on Foreign Relations 1955-1956. Director Special Studies Project for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund 1956-1958. Author of 'Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy', released in 1957. Consultant Weapons Systems Evaluation Group of the Joint Chiefs of Staff 1959-1960. Consultant National Security Council 1961-1962. Consultant RAND Corporation 1961-1968. Consultant United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency 1961-1968. Consultant to the Department of State 1965-1968. Nixon's National Security Advisor 1969-1973. Secretary of State 1973-1977. Made two secret trips to China in 1971 to confer with Premier Zhou Enlai. Negotiated the SALT I and ABM treaty with the Soviet Union. Awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1973. Made other secret trips to China in later years to make extremely sensitive intelligence exchanges. Robert C. McFarlane was among those who went to China with Kissinger, in his case between 1973 and 1976. Negotiated the end of the Yom Kippur War in 1973. Said to have played a role in the 1973 Augusto Pinochet coup. Approved President Suharto's invasion of East-Timor in 1973, which resulted in a bout 250,000 dead communists and socialists. </span> <p><span style=";font-family:Arial;font-size:100%;" >Suspected of having been involved in Operation Condor which started around 1975 and was an assassination and intelligence gathering operation on 3 continents. Director Council on Foreign Relations 1977-1981. Annual visitor of Bilderberg since at least the 1970s. Annual visitor of the Trilateral Commission since the late 1970s. Visited Le Cercle. Member of the 1001 Club and the Pilgrims Society. Visitor of Bohemian Grove camp Mandalay. Founder of Kissinger Associates in 1982, a secretive consulting firm to international corporations. Some of the first members to join Kissinger Associates were Brent Scowcroft (vice-chairman), Lawrence Eagleburger (president), Lord Carrington, Lord Roll of Ipsden, Pehr Gyllenhammar, and Viscount Etienne Davignon. Some served until 1989, others were still active for Kissinger Associates in the late 1990s. Chairman National Bipartisan Commission on Central America 1983-1984. Appointed chairman of AIG's advisory council in 1987. Director of the Atlanta branch of the Italian Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL) from 1985 to 1991. This was during the 1989 BNL Affair in which it became known that the Atlanta branch had made $4 billion in unreported loans to Iraq. After the revelation, the money was said to be used by the Iraqis to buy food and agriculture equipment, but in reality they were buying loads of military equipment. Founded the America-China Society in 1987, mainly with co-Pilgrims Society member Cyrus Vance. His aide Robert C. McFarlane also played a role. Member Atlantic Council of the United States. Member of the Council of Advisors of the United States-Azerbaijan Chamber of Commerce. Trustee of the Center Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), the Arthur F Burns Fellowship, the Institute of International Education, and the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Honorary Governor of the Foreign Policy Association. Patron of the Atlantic Partnership and the New Atlantic Initiative. Chairman of the Eisenhower Exchange Fellowships, the Nixon Center, and the American Academy in Berlin. Co-chairman of the Editorial Board of 'The National Interest' magazine. Chancellor of the College William and Mary. Honorary chairman World Cup USA 1994 (Kissinger has attended football matches with his friend and colleague Etienne Davignon). Named Honorary Knight Commander of St. Michael and St. George, 1995. Director Freeport-McMoRan 1995-2001. Director of Conrad Black's Hollinger International Inc. Member of J.P. Morgan's International Advisory Council. Former member of the Advisory Council of Forstmann Little & Co. and American Express. Advisor to China National Offshore Oil Corp (CNOOC). Member of the Europe Strategy Board of Hicks, Muse, Tate & Furst. Director of Gulfstream Aerospace Corporation and Revlon. Chairman of the International Advisory Board of the American International Group (AIG), a partner of Kissinger Associates. Also chairman of the Advisory Boards of AIG Asian Infrastructure Funds I & II and a director of AIG Global. In 2000 Henry Kissinger was quoted by Business Wire: <em>"Hank Greenberg, Pete Peterson and I have been close friends and business associates for decades."</em> Maurice Greenburg is head of AIG and Peter G. Peterson is head of The Blackstone Group, which is the other major partner of Kissinger Associates. Peterson is also a former chairman of Lehman Brothers. Kissinger is a friend of Lynn Forester and introduced her to Sir Evelyn de Rothschild at the 1998 Bilderberg conference. They would soon become married. When Henry Kissinger is invited to speak at the United Nations Association on April 11, 2001 Lord Jacob Rothschild is flanking his side. Picked as the initial head of the 9/11 investigating committee in 2003, although he turned out to be too controversial to remain in that position. Henry Kissinger is a trustee of the Open Russia Foundation since 2001, together with Lord Jacob Rothschild. The Foundation was set up by Mikhail Khodorkovsky, a controversial oligarch, later locked up by Putin. Honorary trustee of the Aspen Institute. Because of previous international attempts by European and South American judges to question him, he is known to take legal advice before traveling to certain countries in either continent.</span></p>________________________________________________SntMartyrhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11197760281270769367noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-397968883514093681.post-27451463149545670802011-08-20T20:34:00.003+03:002011-08-20T20:34:00.844+03:00We have been here before...<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizQ1bKg817jX2S59oOUoTGnpEk103BuhX32YaYrG4IFxkjXSZiTaRfo42OrXa-bf1QAd-zYvfUGezHUVcYS3x45fV_RahqXRSnLRK9PiWaceecaUnSZgnwIkFDKPkJAM3Gi7158GG8KhJ3/s1600/kirov-DDST8606686-s.JPG"><img style="cursor: pointer; width: 224px; height: 150px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizQ1bKg817jX2S59oOUoTGnpEk103BuhX32YaYrG4IFxkjXSZiTaRfo42OrXa-bf1QAd-zYvfUGezHUVcYS3x45fV_RahqXRSnLRK9PiWaceecaUnSZgnwIkFDKPkJAM3Gi7158GG8KhJ3/s400/kirov-DDST8606686-s.JPG" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5642989064957086050" border="0" /></a>
<br />Synchronicity in pre-planned world events. Shades of the Cuban Missile Crisis.
<br /><h1> Project 1144.2 Orlan
<br />Kirov class
<br />Guided Missile Cruiser (Nuclear Powered)</h1> <p>The Russian Navy confirmed on 09 September 2008 that a fleet of warships belonging to the Russian Northern Fleet was preparing to cross the Atlantic Ocean and head for the Caribbean. Washington immediately responded by mocking the Russian move, which is widely considered a response to NATO's increased naval presence in the Black Sea. U.S. State Department spokesman Sean McCormack jokingly said that if Russia really intended to send ships to the Caribbean, "then they found a few ships that can make it that far." </p><p> The squadron, led by the Northern Fleet's flagship <a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/1144.htm">nuclear-powered Kirov-class battlecruiser Pyotr Veliky </a> (named after Peter the Great, Czar Peter I of Russia) - one of the world's largest heavily-armed nuclear-powered guided missile cruisers - will participate with the Venezuelan fleet in the Caribbean naval exercise in November 2008. During the joint exercises, the Russian navy is expected to deploy Moscow's <a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/1155_1.htm">most modern destroyer, the Udaloy-class Admiral Chabanenko anti-submarine destroyer</a>, a rescue vessel and a tanker ship. This will be Russia's first maneuver in the US backyard in nearly 20 years. The naval exercise will be conducted in Venezuelan waters between the 10th and 14th of November. The Russian and Venezuelan Navy will together perform dry runs of relief operations and test their tactical communication systems. </p><p> The official Russian governmental news service Russia Today stated that "The fact that the Russian cruiser was not designed as an instrument of attack, but instead for nuclear containment and defending nuclear submarines, this exercise looks more like an invitation to a dialogue with America rather than a military threat. Moreover, the fact that the American presidential campaign has entered its final stage, it is expected that both candidates Barack Obama and John McCain are going to exploit this naval exercise to their own benefit, verbalizing on the "return of the Russian threat". This rhetoric may become the decisive factor for one of them to make the White House his home for the next four years."</p><p> Russia announced in 2007 that its Navy had resumed, and would build up, its constant presence in different regions of the world's oceans. A naval task force from Russia's Northern Fleet, consisting of the Admiral Kuznetsov aircraft carrier, the Udaloy-Class destroyers Admiral Levchenko and Admiral Chabanenko, as well as auxiliary vessels, conducted from December 2007 to February 2008 a two-month tour of duty in the Mediterranean Sea and North Atlantic.</p><p> The Russian Kirov Class Heavy Missile Cruise Ship are the world's largest 'cruisers' and might best be termed "battle cruisers&quot. Originally designed as a large antisubmarine warship to search for and engage enemy ballistic missile submarines, the Kirov's role was expanded to engage large surface targets and provide air and antisubmarine protection to naval forces after the introduction of the Granit antiship missile system. There are substantial differences in the equipment of each unit of this class. </p><p>The ship is armed with the Granit long range anti-ship missile system, known in the West as the Shipwreck missile. Twenty Granit antiship missiles are installed under the upper deck, mounted at a 60 degree elevation. The long-range missiles cannot be controlled once launched, but do have a multivariant target engagement program. When ripple-fired the missiles share information while in-flight. The lead missile assumes a high-level flight trajectory enabling it to increase its target acquisition capacity, while the other missiles follow at a lower level. If the lead missile is destroyed, one of the other missiles will automatically assume the lead role. </p><p>An S-300F Air Defence Missile Complex is installed on the ship, with 12 launchers and 96 vertical launch air defence missiles. The S-300F is capable of engaging both air and surface targets. The ship has two Osa-Ma double launchers and 40 air defence missiles. The ship is also fitted with a 130 mm AK-130 multipurpose two barrel gun. The ship's 30 mm artillery system is the AK-630 used to engage airborne targets including sea skimming anti-ship missiles, small sea vessels, floating mines and light armoured land based targets. The ship accommodates three Kamov Ka-27PL or Ka-25RT helicopters. The ship has ten missile or torpedo tubes with 20 Vodopad-NK anti-submarine missiles or torpedoes. The ship has two anti-submarine and anti-torpedo rocket systems, the Udav-1 with 40 anti-submarine rockets and the RBU-1000. The ship has two RBU-1000 six-tube anti-submarine rocket launchers, with 102 rockets. </p><p>The ship's propulsion system is based on a combination of nuclear power and steam turbine, with two [four according to some sources] nuclear reactors and two auxiliary boilers. The propulsion system provides a full speed of 31 knots. When operating on the auxiliary boilers the ship's speed is 14 knots and the ship has an endurance of 60 days. The selection of the machinery was determined by the role of the cruiser and its assigned missions. The automated main nuclear machinery comprises two reactors (to produce steam for operation), two main geared-turbine units developing 70,000 hp each (to ensure full cruiser speed of at least 30 knots) and two stand-by steam boilers of 115 t/h capacity. The stand-by steam boilers provide for development of 17 knots with nuclear reactors shut-off and ensure an operation range of up to 1,000 miles with shipborne fuel. The main machinery is arranged in three compartments: one compartment houses two nuclear reactors, the two others house geared-turbine units and steam boilers, respectively.
<br /></p><p>
<br /></p><h2><u>Further Reading:</u></h2> <b> </b><table><tbody><tr><td><li><b><a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/1144.htm">Project 1144.2 Kirov Battlecruiser</a>
<br />
<br /></b></li><li><b><a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/1144-history.htm">Project 1144 Orlan - History</a> </b></li><li><b><a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/1144-specs.htm">Project 1144.2 Kirov - Specifications</a> </b></li><li><b><a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/1144-units.htm">Project 1144.2 Kirov - Units</a> </b></li><li><b><a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/1144-list.htm">Project 1144.2 Kirov - Ship List</a> </b></li><li><b><a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/1144-schem-history.htm">Project 1144 Orlan - Schematics</a> </b></li><li><b><a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/1144-schem.htm">Project 1144.2 Kirov - Schematics</a> </b></li><li><b><a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/1144-pics.htm">Project 1144.2 Kirov - Pictures</a> </b></li><li><b><a href="http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/russia/1144-refs.htm">Project 1144.2 Kirov - References</a> </b> </li></td></tr></tbody></table>SntMartyrhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11197760281270769367noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-397968883514093681.post-85671608792688842882011-08-20T20:09:00.000+03:002011-08-20T20:09:00.286+03:00UNITED STATES/RUSSIAN NATIONAL SECURITY ISSUES<pre><span style="font-size:100%;">Reference - http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/
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<br />Segment 2 Of 2 <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0.HTM">Previous Hearing Segment(1)</a>
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<br /><a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1X.HTM#SPEAK" target="WINDOW_2">SPEAKERS</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1X.HTM#STATE" target="WINDOW_2">CONTENTS</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1X.HTM#INSERT" target="WINDOW_2">INSERTS</a>
<br /></span></pre><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="5"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#6">Page 5</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#4">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 2 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><b>UNITED STATES/RUSSIAN NATIONAL SECURITY ISSUES</b>
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<br />House of Representatives,
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<br />Committee on National Security,
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<br />Military Research and Development Subcommittee,
<br />
<br />Washington, DC, Tuesday, August 4, 1998.
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<br /> The subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10:10 a.m., in room 2118, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Curt Weldon (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
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<br />OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CURT WELDON, A REPRESENTATIVE FROM PENNSYLVANIA, CHAIRMAN, MILITARY RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT SUBCOMMITTEE
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>The subcommittee will come to order. May I ask everyone to be seated so that we can begin the hearings and bring in our witness.
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<br /> This morning the Military Research and Development Subcommittee meets in open session to receive testimony from Col. Stanislav Lunev, formerly of the GRU. Colonel Lunev has written a book, <i>Through the Eyes of the Enemy, </i>which makes some startling allegations about ongoing Russian preparations for war with the United States.
<br />
<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="6"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#7">Page 6</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#5">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 2 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;"> According to Colonel Lunev, Moscow continues to perfect war plans that would assassinate U.S. political and military leaders and sabotage key targets in the United States by using small man-portable nuclear weapons. I should note that Colonel Lunev is a protected witness, and so special arrangements have been made at the hearings today to conceal his identity and provide for his physical security. I would ask members of the audience and the press to please cooperate and refrain from photographing Colonel Lunev's face, should, through some mishap, an opportunity for such a photograph accidentally arise.
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<br /> Also, audience and press, please respect the arrangements for Colonel Lunev's physical security by refraining from attempting to approach or interview Colonel Lunev in this forum.
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<br /> Finally, because Colonel Lunev is recuperating from an illness, these proceedings may on occasion have to be interrupted to accommodate his needs.
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<br /> I should also note that sitting in the witness box with Colonel Lunev today is his coauthor, Ira Winkler, who is not himself a witness today. Mr. Winkler has consented to be available to Colonel Lunev to clarify and help him better understand our questions should that be necessary, even though Colonel Lunev speaks English.
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<br /> Before we proceed to hear from our witness, allow me to provide some background information and make some observations that I hope our members and audience may find useful. With that, I would ask staff—good, Colonel Lunev is coming in. Welcome Stan, it is a pleasure to have you here today.
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<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="7"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#8">Page 7</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#6">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 2 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;"> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Thank you.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Why this hearing and why the R&D subcommittee?
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<br /> Our subcommittee is charged with the responsibility of determining what systems this country should be developing to meet the emerging threats that we see arising around the world. And over the past 4 years, we have gone to extensive lengths to make sure that every one of our subcommittee members is totally versed not just on the systems but on the threats, using every available resource that we can find from the Central Intelligence Agency [CIA] and Defense Intelligence Agency [DIA], from the intelligence agencies of the National Security Agency [NSA] and Department of Energy [DOE]. We have reached out to our direct witnesses from time to time to give us this information. In fact, we have had well over 100 hearings, briefings, and classified sessions with members of this subcommittee on the threats that we see emerging.
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<br /> It was this subcommittee that first criticized NIE 9519 and said that perhaps the threats—that the assessment by the CIA was overly optimistic. Just 2 weeks ago, we heard the Rumsfeld Commission come out and verify the findings that this subcommittee came to the conclusions of 3 years ago.
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<br /> It was this subcommittee last year who talked of the need, in a bipartisan way as we always do, to deal with the emerging Iranian threats that they obtained in cooperation with Russia on a medium-range missile. As recently as February 5 of this year, Deputy Secretary of Defense John Hamre wrote to me as chairman of this subcommittee and said, and I quote, in writing, ''Don't worry, under the worst case scenario, the Iranian medium-range missile will not surface until mid-1999.''
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<br /> It was this subcommittee, because of our extensive work and understanding of threats, that moved legislation that became law that plussed up funding by $170 million this year to deal with those emerging medium-range missile threats of Iran.
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<br /> It was this subcommittee who reached out to Gen. Aleksandr Lebed and had him testify on the issue of small atomic demolition munitions when the Russian Government was denying there was a problem, denying they even existed, and criticizing General Lebed during the summer and fall, saying he didn't know what he was talking about and was a traitor.
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<br /> It was this subcommittee that had academician and scientist Aleksey Yablokov come before us last October and verify the comments of General Lebed about small atomic demolitions. And because of the testimony that Aleksey Yablokov brought before this subcommittee, he was called a traitor in Russia. He was called a violator of the motherland when he went back to Moscow.
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<br /> But in the end, as has been the case with this subcommittee in every instance, Aleksey Yablokov sued one of the major news outlets in Moscow, Novaya Gazeta, and sued them for slander because they called him a traitor. The first week of July of this year, Aleksey Yablokov sent me a cable. He won his lawsuit, was awarded 30,000 rubles by the court system in Russia, and the newspaper that he charged with slander was told to issue a public apology to him by September 9.
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<br /> But the problem there was this administration was going along with the Russian Government in denying the potential threat of the small atomic demolitions. It was this subcommittee who pursued those allegations and will pursue them again in more detail today.
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<br /> Our goal here is not to embarrass anyone and it is not to embarrass Russia. As most of you know, we, on this subcommittee, work aggressively to stabilize Russia. We work to make sure that they have a housing mortgage finance system, as I am currently proposing to both the leadership in the Congress and the administration. We have been out front on cooperation in the energy area to help the Russian Parliament pass the production-sharing agreements that they have passed and the law which has allowed for Sakhalin 1, 2, and 3.
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<br /> We have been working with the Russian Government on economic cooperation to build a more solid economic base. But there are questions that need to be asked, there are facts that need to be dealt with; because, as this administration says most frequently, I would say all is not well all the time in Russia.
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<br /> In fact, just 2 weeks ago I had some of the saddest news I have ever had from that country, when one of my good friends, who has met with myself and members of this subcommittee on several occasions, chairman of the Duma Defense Committee Lev Rokhlin was assassinated in his home, in his bed on July 3, with a gunshot in his head at point blank range.
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<br /> And let me say at the outset, Mr. Pickett, myself, and members of this subcommittee, have met with Mr. Rokhlin on
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<br /> Last summer, because Lev Rokhlin, one of the most distinguished retired Russian generals, was dissatisfied because Russian soldiers were not being paid their salaries and their pensions, publicly called for the impeachment of Boris Yeltsin; and for that, obviously because he was of Yeltsin's party, was publicly criticized. For 6 months there was an attempt made to remove Lev Rokhlin from his chairmanship of the Duma Defense Committee, our counterpart, and for 6 months he resisted.
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<br /> To give you some idea of the stature of Lev Rokhlin, he was awarded the highest medal Russia now awards to its soldiers, the Hero of Russia Medal. He refused to accept that medal from Pavel Grachev, who was the Defense Minister at the time, because he thought Pavel Grachev was not an honorable man, so he refused to accept the award from him.
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<br /> This general, this chairman of the Duma Defense Committee, publicly criticizing Boris Yeltsin and calling for his impeachment because of his lack of support for soldiers, ordinary military personnel, was found dead in his bed. His wife the next day admitted that she killed her husband in a fit of rage. But then the stories started to unfold. Lev Rokhlin's daughter and his son-in-law said that was not the case, that three people had, in fact, entered Lev Rokhlin's apartment, had assassinated him, and had told his wife if she did not, in fact, take the responsibility for the assassination, she and her entire family would be killed.
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<br /> Mysteriously, three bodies were found in the vicinity of Lev Rokhlin's apartment in the days following that assassination. They did not have identification and their bodies were, in fact, burned.
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<br /> In fact, Lev Rokhlin's lawyer who has worked with him publicly has said that there was an assassination attempt on his life the same night that Lev Rokhlin was assassinated.
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<br /> When Lev Rokhlin's funeral was held in Moscow following the July 3 assassination, 10,000 Russian people came out in Moscow to pay tribute to him, former chairman of the Duma Defense Committee. Their government maintains that he was killed by his wife to this day, and unfortunately, our government and the agencies I have met with say they have no reason to doubt that.
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<br /> Over the past weeks I have had meetings with two senior Russian officials who are friends of mine, who will remain anonymous. Each of them in separate sessions has said that there is no doubt in their minds that Lev Rokhlin was assassinated and he was not assassinated by his wife.
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<br /> This story points up the fact that in dealing with Russia, we need to understand the mindset. We need to understand what is happening. Not to embarrass the country, but to understand that to deal with Russia, to deal with issues of arms control and treaty compliance, to deal with issues of proliferation and economic cooperation, Russia must understand that we are going to be candid and that we are going to be honest.
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<br /> Col. Stanislav Lunev is the highest ranking GRU officer ever to defect to the United States. The GRU is Russia's premier military intelligence organization that serves the General Staff and is larger than the intelligence organizations of all the United States military services combined.
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<br /> The GRU elite Special Forces, the SPETSNAZ, will conduct assassinations and sabotage operations behind enemy lines in wartimes through the use of atomic demolition munitions, or ADM's, or SADM's, small atomic demolition munitions. These are small nuclear weapons that can fit into a knapsack or a briefcase or suitcase and are designed to be delivered and detonated by one or two people. Although Colonel Lunev was not himself a member of SPETSNAZ, as a GRU intelligence officer operating in the United States, part of his job was to support Russian military planning for SPETSNAZ nuclear operations against the United States.
<br />
<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="12"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#13">Page 12</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#11">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 2 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;"> Colonel Lunev served the GRU in this capacity, contributing to Russian plans to assassinate President Clinton and other United States military leaders and collecting other intelligence to support Russian war plans, until 1992 when he switched sides. Since 1992, Colonel Lunev has served as consultant on intelligence matters to the FBI and the CIA.
<br />
<br /> The most significant part of Colonel Lunev's testimony, in my opinion, is his allegation that the Russian military and intelligence services still regard the United States as the enemy. And as this subcommittee knows, we have put into place the 26-page Surikov document, which is an internal Russian advisory document which also says that ultimately the United States will be Russia's long-term enemy, considers a war with the United States as likely and even inevitable, and are actively planning for a third world war.
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<br /> According to Colonel Lunev, so seriously does the Russian military regard the possibility of war with the United States, that nuclear suitcase bombs may already be prepositioned somewhere in the vicinity of Washington or New York. Given the shocking possibility that Russian nuclear suitcase bombs may even now be smuggled into the United States, I hope the administration reverses its neglect of the experimental wide area tracking system [WATS] being developed by Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. In a hearing before this subcommittee on nuclear terrorism and countermeasures held on October 1, 1997, the WATS system was profiled in the hope of promoting its development. WATS currently offers the only technology under development capable of detecting a nuclear weapon being smuggled into the United States.
<br />
<br /> Ironically, after the WATS presentation was warmly received by the R&D Subcommittee, the administration cut WATS funding to a subsistence level and reorganized the program in ways deleterious to its development. I cannot understand how the administration, which has often objected to national missile defenses on grounds that nuclear terrorism poses a bigger threat, can then neglect the only technology that offers any hope of defense against nuclear terrorism. What is the justification for keeping America defenseless against both nuclear missiles and nuclear terrorists? I have come to expect inconsistency and wishful thinking, unfortunately, from the administration.
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<br /> Colonel Lunev's description of the dire threat perceptions of the Russian military and the GRU contrast sharply with the administration's comforting assurances that the United States and Russia are now strategic partners and no longer regard each other as threats. And yet, unfortunately, I am not surprised again.
<br />
<br /> While I am no longer surprised when the evidence flatly contradicts the President and the benign interpretation of the threats we face, whether those threats are from proliferating nuclear weapons, proliferating missiles or from a still hostile Russian military, perhaps it is because in May 1997, a group of us met with General Lebed in Moscow and were disclosed the facts by him of the existence of these small demolition devices and the fact that as many as 80 were not able to be accounted for.
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<br /> The Russian Government denied, as I said earlier, the existence of these devices and denied Lebed's accuracy and his capability to even know anything about this until a face-to-face meeting with General Sergeyev, the Defense Minister, in Moscow last year, allowed him to admit directly to my face that they built the devices, they had them, but they would destroy them by the year 2000.
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<br /> And now we have before us a former GRU officer whose job was to support delivery of nuclear suitcase bombs to the United States, including for the purpose of assassinating our President. So much for the denial of the threat by the Russian Government and by some in our own administration.
<br />
<br /> Perhaps my skepticism also comes from what I just mentioned as NIE 9519 and the blanket promise that there would be no threat to the United States for 15 years. And now all of a sudden we are seeing everyone backpedaling, saying that it is perhaps as soon as 4 to 8 years we will see an emerging long-range threat that we are not prepared to handle. That is two times that we have situations where the
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<br /> So our concern is, are we misreading Russia today? Do we fully understand what is happening in Russia? Are we aware that, in fact, the instability in Russia could cause enhanced threats to our country that we need to be prepared for?
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<br /> Make no mistake about it, the positions of the President and his top policy advisor, Strobe Talbott, on Russia are identical to mine and I would say probably everyone on this subcommittee: to see Russia emerge as a stable, long-term democracy with a free, capitalist system. So the end result is not in question. It is whether or not along the way we are going to be realistic in what is happening in that country and deal with it, or whether or not we are going to deny the threats that we see emerging.
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<br /> In hearings that we held in March 1997, in briefings that members of this subcommittee have had, namely Silver Bullets, and in several other briefings and hearings, we found that Russia continues large-scale investment of scarce resources preparing for a nuclear war with this country. Russia continues to modernize its strategic offensive forces. Russia is constructing new deep underground facilities at places like Yamantau Mountain that are designed to survive a nuclear war.
<br />
<br /> We have raised this issue with every Russian leader we have met with from Kokoshin to Mikailov when he was Minister of Atomic Energy, to the Minister of Interior, Orlov, to a 3-page letter that I wrote to Yeltsin himself to which we have received no response. We know nothing about Yamantau Mountain and we have no transparency as to what is going on at that site.
<br />
<br /> Russia is training its troops in a new military doctrine that emphasizes striking first with nuclear weapons under a broad range of scenarios. Moscow pursues these military operations while in the throes of a severe economic crisis that impairs the stability of society and the very existence of the Government. Colonel Lunev, I am sure, will tell us more about the Russian threat perceptions that are driving these preparations for a possible war.
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<br /> Again, I do not view Russia through rose-colored glasses as a healthy nation that is merely undergoing some growing pains as it makes its twin transitions to democracy and market capitalism. On the other hand, nor do I view Russia as an unreconstructed threat, the Russian bear in the midst of a long hibernation which one day will soon reemerge.
<br />
<br /> Put simply, the goal of this series of hearings has been and is to develop an accurate assessment of the political, military, and economic situation in Russia. And today's hearing is one piece in that process.
<br />
<br /> Colonel Lunev, we welcome you here today and we thank you for being here. Before I turn the floor over to you, I want to call on Mr. Pickett, the ranking Democrat on the R&D Subcommittee, respectfully for his opening comments.
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<br />STATEMENT OF HON. OWEN PICKETT, A REPRESENTATIVE FROM VIRGINIA, RANKING MEMBER, MILITARY RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT SUBCOMMITTEE
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<br /> Mr. <b>PICKETT. </b>Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I, too, am looking forward to hearing the testimony from our witness today. I understand Colonel Lunev will share with us his belief that Russian military service and intelligence personnel still regard the United States as the enemy, consider war between our two nations as inevitable, and that they are actively planning for a World War III.
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<br /> Apparently, so convinced is Colonel Lunev of these assertions that he suggests a small number of tactical suitcase-sized nuclear devices have already been prepositioned in the United States for future use, a practice he apparently claims is no different from the days of the cold war that existed between our Nation and the Soviet Union.
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<br /> It is my hope that today's hearing will help us better understand these events. I hope today's testimony will help shed light on several issues, and I would ask our witness to address several matters to the best of his ability.
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<br /> Colonel Lunev, first, please help us understand why you seem to be the lone voice claiming that such clandestine activities occurred during the cold war. And could you also explain why American counterespionage agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation have still not discovered any evidence to corroborate your assertion that such activities, such as that of placing nuclear devices in this country, occurred either during the height of the cold war or since?
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<br /> And second, Colonel Lunev, for the sake of argument, please help us understand the proposed decisionmaking process of national leaders that would contemplate and possibly risk the unattended placement of nuclear detonation devices in a foreign country such as the United States, particularly in view of the fact that the likely technological limitations of this munition type would require servicing and perhaps replacement within a period of only a few months. Is this the type of deployment a logical or rational decision would call for? And exactly what goals are sought to be achieved with this kind of a deployment? And unattended or not, wouldn't the servicing requirements associated with these kinds of devices betray their existence and location?
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<br /> And third, again for the sake of argument and assuming your claims, at least, were once true, explain to us how you have concluded that such activities and planning are still central to Russian leadership decisionmaking, given the fact that your defection to the United States occurred just shortly after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1992, some 6 years ago, and presumably since then you have had no official contact with your former colleagues. Can you explain how you have firsthand knowledge of current operational planning of Russian security forces?
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<br /> And, finally, please help us better understand your characterization of Russia as an aggressor nation and contrast that with what we currently know about the place that you once lived: that, among other things, economic strife exists, that social and political turmoil abounds, that the financial underpinnings of the Russian military have grown so weak as to threaten its complete and overall collapse.
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<br /> As you may already know, Russian specialist Stewart Goldman claims the Yeltsin regime has taken better care of internal security forces than they have of the army, and has apparently concluded that to the extent that it faces a security threat, it is more an internal than an external threat.
<br />
<br /> In view of this, together with preliminary reports suggesting the Russian defense budget alone, top line next year, may be set as low as 60 billion rubles, or roughly $10 billion, is it credible to assume that Russian security forces would be called on to initiate a direct offensive plan against American targets rather than remain focused on homeland defense and internal security?
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<br /> If your answer is ''yes'' to the former, then I hope you can help us better understand the thinking behind such a position of the country of Russia.
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<br /> Mr. Chairman, these are but a few of my concerns. I do not mean to take an antagonistic view of our witness, but I think in the interest of getting a complete picture of what is taking place, that our witness should provide these insights as he goes through his testimony today.
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<br /> Again, I hope this will prove to be a productive session. I thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the special effort you have exerted to get our witness here today and I look forward to the testimony of our witness today. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
<br />
<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Thank you, Mr. Pickett.
<br />
<br /> And, Colonel Lunev, in introducing you finally, I am going to quote from your book. And I quote:
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<br /> To my mind, I am not a traitor. I was a loyal citizen of the Soviet Union, a country that was destroyed by traitors who dismembered the country for their own profit. The country I was sworn to defend no longer exists. The criminal regime that rules now is one that I will not serve.
<br />
<br /> Welcome, colonel, and you may make whatever opening statement you would like to make.
<br />
<br />STATEMENT OF COL. STANISLAV LUNEV, FORMER COL., RUSSIAN MILITARY INTELLIGENCE
<br />
<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Thank you. So, good morning, ladies and gentlemen. I am really thank you for Chairman and for committee members for inviting me. It is a privilege to testify before this committee today on existing threats to the national security of the United States. I am grateful for the opportunity to explain to you my point of view as best I can, based on my lifelong experience working for the GRU, the Russian military intelligence agency, which absolutely are known in this country and may be known only for few specialities.
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<br /> I am submitting a written record of my testimony; however, I anticipate going beyond my written testimony in response to your questions.
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<br /> Why it has happened, why I wrote this book? Because I decided to share my concern about Russia and the United States by this book we made with my coauthor, Ira Winkler, <i>Through the Eyes of the Enemy. </i>I decided to make this book when I had really big health problems and was diagnosed as a cancer patient. And I wrote this book to inform the United States about what the criminals have done to the country I loved and, of course, to earn some money to care for my family, because with my health conditions, I could not be assured in my future.
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<br /> Additionally, I know this book and information I already have provided to the American Government place my life in some kind of danger from Russian intelligence services. But however, if I am to be killed, it will only be in advance of the cancer. In other words, I have nothing to lose just now.
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<br /> And we already prepared our written testimony to you, ladies and gentlemen. And if somebody would be interested in response, you can read it, and we can discuss something—your questions a little bit later.
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<br /> So, I tried to keep myself away from this written testimony, and will try to begin to answer your questions. First of all, raised Mr. Pickett, because of what is going on just now in Russia, it is really difficult to say that events development in Russian Federation is predictable and everything is clear what is going on in Moscow, and let's say Moscow is not all Russia, it is only Moscow.
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<br /> Mr. Pickett asked me a question, very important question: How do I know about Russian intelligence activity in this country now, because I defected in 1992? Let's say that in my case, to say I am defector is not very good idea, but I accept this word because I simply did not return to country I lived before my whole life, because country I signed my oath for military service in 1963 didn't exist to the time of my defection. And actually, I couldn't provide anymore—to continue to provide anymore my very special services for government, which existence, legal existence is under really great suspension, and government which was penetrated by Russian organized crime groups, by Russian Mafia so deeply that it was possible a few years ago to say officially that Russian Federation just now is a criminal state.
<br />
<br /> When I found in my military service in 1991, 1992, that results of my very special activity against this country are going not only to the Government but are going to Russian criminals, I decided to cancel my service for this Government and ask about possibility to stay in this country and to not return back.
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<br /> But from that time, I follow all events which are in place just now in Russian Federation. I have my own contacts with some people. And until now, I can say to you really openly and very firm that Russian intelligence activity against this country is much more active than it was in time of the former Soviet Union existence. And this activity just now is much more dangerous for this country than it was before.
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<br /> Why? Reasonable question, of course. You gentlemen—ladies and gentlemen, you are really experienced politicians. You have a lot of your own sources of information and, of course, you can accept my information or not. But I can tell you only one, that before the U.S.S.R. disintegration, we worked very hard trying to penetrate through this country national security secrets. And sometimes we were successful; sometimes no success. But this is spy business and the spy business nobody doesn't know who is winner and who is loser.
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<br /> And our main business was to find real information about American military-political, military-industrial, and scientific research and development connected with military. Most important for the future development of American military machine for the future and how to use this information trying to improve Soviet military machine.
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<br /> But from 1996, so last 2 years, Russian intelligence community still involving in the same regular spy business in this country, plus additionally Russian spies just now here are conducting industrial espionage. You understand importance of this question for this country's national security, because regular spies, regular spies they don't care about information which is not connected with American national security system. But for the future development of this country, to penetrate through American economical, financial, industrial infrastructure, not connected with military now, it means to penetrate through American future and use results of all successes and all positive developments of this country for Russian military machine and for Russian organized crime groups.
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<br /> How it is possible that not only conventional but mass destruction weapons systems could be deployed in this country very well in advance for the future war possibility? And just now I know that I was a little bit right when I decided to write this book, because after this book was published, I do have a chance to give a lot of interviews to different people, and I found for myself that American public knows so little about Soviet Union and Russian Federation military plans against this country, that it surprised me. It really surprised me, because back to former Soviet Union, we had much more knowledge about what the main Soviet military potential adversary, or the enemy, was planned against the Soviet Union. And for me it was really a surprise that this stuff mentioned in my book grown so high interest between American public. But for us it was regular military practice. For us it was regular military job and we made every day during our spy activity against foreign countries. First of all, against the United States of America.
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<br /> According Soviet military plans, very well in advance, maybe few months, maybe few weeks, of course, few hours before real war would be in place against this country, Russian Special Operations Forces need to come here and to pick up weapons systems, because they will fly here as tourists, businessmen. How can they get any kind of weapons system in this not very strong but enough effective security system in American airlines? So, they need to come here with clean hands, only with documents. Maybe some money, that is all. But according to their tasking, in few hours they need to physically destroy, eliminate American military chains of command, President, Supreme Commander in Chief, Vice President, Speaker of the House, military commanders, especially to cut head from American military chain of command. They need to destroy communications system in this country and grow panic and chaos in this country before real war would be in place.
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<br /> They need to destroy power stations and highly protected facilities which could not be destroyed by regular military nuclear missile strike. Only by this reason they need to be in this country well in advance to pick up weapons systems already stored in this country during peacetime but could be used during wartime.
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<br /> For direct question from Mr. Pickett about so-called nuclear briefcases, of course this is for public, but we name it officially portable nuclear tactical devices specially designed for Soviet special operation forces. And actually it is not a briefcase, because it would be very heavy briefcase, first of all. And all these briefcases, of course, with growing attention from everybody from outside of this operational group. But it will look like as your regular cooler you are taking with your family for picnic. If you play golf, you know this very big golf club bag, it
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<br /> Plus, let's say that in 1991, according to my information, former Soviet President say first and last President, Mikhail Gorbachev, by his Presidential decree canceled research and development connected with chemical and biological weapons because these types of weapons are strongly prohibited by very special international conventions. So, it is prohibited by international law. And really, I believe that it could be happened and Soviet Union wouldn't be involved anymore in the development of this very dangerous types of mass destruction weapons.
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<br /> But in the end of 1991, in 1992 and later, I receive a lot of information that research and development of chemical and biological weapons in Russian Federation are in place. Using so-called cover of dual use, of let's say pharmaceutical and chemical research and development, Russian Federation still developing this mass destruction weapons and making these weapons systems much more dangerous for the whole planet.
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<br /> So, according to these military plans, commanders will come here, will pick up this weapons system, and will fulfill their tasking.
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<br /> You asked me how it is possible that American counterintelligence community could not protect this country from these possible attacks. Additionally, I can tell you only one, that in this country you have excellent intelligence and you have excellent counterintelligence agencies. They are best in the world. But these people who actually sacrifice their life because they are fighting against any threat to the American national security, they do not have enough people, do not have enough money, and do not have enough possibilities to protect everything in this country. Yes, they try to prevent spy activity in this country.
<br />
<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="24"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#25">Page 24</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#23">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 2 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;"> But according to these reasons I already told you, foreign spies have plenty of windows in local counterintelligence and intelligence community activity and we use these windows with really good results, because they cannot protect everything in this country, and they cannot establish surveillance behind everybody who is inside hostile or other country's intelligence services which are operating here or have suspensions about these people.
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<br /> So, in our regular business, we demonstrated that we are legitimate people in this country and tried to find windows when we are out of surveillance and made our spy business exactly at that time when we were out of surveillance.
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<br /> So, I think that you can answer this question how to protect this country much better than me, because you have all information in your hands and you know how to use this information for the protection of your country and your country's national security.
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<br /> Using very short time you provided me for this testimony, I would like once more to say thank you very much for the invitation, and I think that our later conversations would be helpful.
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<br /> And I am really sorry, Mr. Chairman, what has happened with your friend, General Rokhlin, because he was really outstanding politician and military. I didn't—I didn't know him personally, but he was my schoolmate in Tashkent Military Academy, but three courses later than me. Thank you.
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<br /> [The prepared statement of Colonel Lunev can be found in the appendix on page 37.]
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Thank you, Colonel Lunev, and I appreciate your comments about Deputy Rokhlin. Mr. Pickett and I have met with him; I guess you remember Lev. We met with him, at least, on two occasions. I met with him four times in this country and over there. And it is very troubling to me that in Russia there still could be the potential for the assassination of a high-level parliamentarian, and I am going to continue to pursue this.
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<br /> I have already written to Ambassador Vorontsov asking for a full response and I have written directly to Lev Rokhlin's daughter and son-in-law and the attorney working with them, and will continue to pursue this, along with other members of the Duma who quietly are as concerned about this as I am from all the factions, not just the NASHDOM faction, but all the factions. Because any time you can assassinate someone who is in a senior position because of what they say, you don't have a free democracy. And for us to deny that is only being very short sighted.
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<br /> I am going to start off by—you talked about the potential for nuclear devices and in your book—I am going to read this paragraph to you about how these devices, in fact, could be brought into the United States and then you can comment on this. In the book you say,
<br />
<br /> It is surprisingly easy to smuggle nuclear weapons into the United States. A commonly used method is for a Russian airplane to fly across the ocean on a typical reconnaissance flight. The planes would be tracked by U.S. radar. That is not the problem. When there are no other aircraft in visual range, the Russian plane could launch a small high-tech stealth transport missile that could slip undetected into remote areas of the country. The missiles would then be retrieved by GRU operatives.
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<br /> Another way to get a weapon in the country is to have an oceanographic research submarine deliver the device, accompanied by GRU specialists, to a remote section of coastline.
<br />
<br /> Nuclear devices can also be slipped across the Mexican or Canadian borders. It is easy to get a bomb to Cuba, and from there to transport it to Mexico. Usually, the devices are carried by Russian intelligence officers or trusted agents.
<br />
<br /> So you have given us three devices. I know in the conversations I have had with you, you knew of no specific case where that had happened. Your job was, rather, to plan for that and as an agent to help identify potential sites where these devices could, in fact, be deposited. Is that correct?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes. Yes, Mr. Chairman; because in our regular business, we need to provide all possible support for the future activity of special operation forces inside this country. We need to plan these operations, how to deliver these nuclear weapons and other weapons systems to this country. We were responsible for finding places for storages of these weapons systems. We were responsible for providing of all additional support operation, let's say to buy clothes for special operation forces, soldiers, and enlisted officers, to provide them packages of documents, credit cards, let's say clean money which will not be registered.
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<br /> So, we made a lot of business for the support of these people and how to smuggle these weapons to this country. We stay on position that for American public, it would be really very interesting to know that it is possible to deliver it by air, by sea. But most simple way how to do it is the same way as every day metric tons of drugs are coming to this country illegally through the ground borders with nearest neighbors of this country, by speedboats, by people, by cars, by small airplanes.
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<br /> So, you know how drugs are coming into this country. It is absolutely the same way. But if it would be difficult, yes, it could be possible to use stealth technology for air delivery or by sea.
<br />
<br /> And, of course, when these weapons system would be delivered to the United States, GRU trusted people, agents, and illegals as a most effective intelligence officers, they will take care and will deliver this weapons system to the
<br />
<br /> Of course, I cannot pretend to say that there are no places of nuclear or other mass destruction weapon system storages. No; I cannot say so. But it is possible that these devices were stored in this area, and if it would be necessary, these commanders which will come here as tourists or businessmen with empty pockets, without any problem will rent a car in Dulles International Airport, will drive to this place, pick up this weapons, communication devices, money, documents, everything, and in a few seconds they will leave their image of tourists and will become soldiers. Soldiers ready to fight.
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<br /> They will take this weapons system to places of its future operational use, as I already said, to destroy mostly highly protected facilities and people in this country which could not be destroyed by regular missile and nuclear strike.
<br />
<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Colonel, how long were you in the GRU?
<br />
<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>About 20 years—20 years. And before, I was in regular military service.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>When you were in the GRU, in your book you say you were assigned to both China and the United States. How many years were you an agent in China?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Exactly 3 1/2 years I was in China.
<br />
<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>And you speak Chinese?
<br />
<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>I forget to ask you for sorry about my English, but English is my third language.
<br />
<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>How long were you stationed in the United States as an agent? How many years were you stationed in Washington as an agent?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Three-and-a-half years.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>In Washington?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes, from 1988 to the beginning of 1992.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>And your cover when you were here was you were?
<br />
<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>I was undercover these professional years as TASS News Agency correspondent.
<br />
<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="29"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#30">Page 29</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#28">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 2 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;"> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>In your book I think you mentioned that a percentage of correspondents at that time, and perhaps even today, were agents. What is that approximate percentage?
<br />
<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>In general, this percentage was established by special top secret Communist spy politburo decision in 1958, and was confirmed by President Yeltsin in the beginning of 1992. According to this very special orders and decrees, 33 percent from all Soviet and just now Russian official representatives in foreign countries—I mean in the United States, first of all—belong to the former KGB; 33 percent to the GRU; and 33 percent we name them ''clean people.''
<br />
<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>So approximately 66 to 67 percent——
<br />
<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Intelligence personnel.
<br />
<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON </b>[continuing]. Were correspondents, were actually working for one of the security agencies, either the KGB or GRU?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes, sir.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Do you think that has changed in the current times in terms of today?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>If President Yeltsin confirmed this percentage by his special decree in the beginning of 1992, I think it is the same way, because I never heard that he changed his position.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Just two historical questions, then I will turn it over to my colleagues. I know they have a ton of questions. One is in your book you mention, and this is not a new fact to us, the GRU and the KGB helped fund, and I quote you, ''just about every antiwar movement and organization in America and abroad.''
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<br /> You were involved with them during this time period. You go on to say,
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<br /> Funding was provided via undercover operatives or front organizations. These would fund another group that would in turn fund student organizations. The GRU also helped Vietnam organize its propaganda campaign a whole. What would be a great surprise to the American people is that the GRU and KGB had a larger budget for antiwar propaganda in the United States. than it did for the economic and military support of the Vietnamese. The antiwar propaganda cost the GRU more than 1 billion U.S. dollars. But its history shows it was a hugely successful campaign and well worth the cost. The antiwar sentiment created an incredible momentum that greatly weakened the U.S. military.
<br />
<br />Was that part of your responsibility?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>It was a responsibility of my former agency. Of course, not mine, because in time of Vietnam war, I was in the regular military service and I had only one secondhand connection with this war when I was invited from regular military SPETSNAZ to special operation forces and with possibility to be sent to Vietnam.
<br />
<br /> So, I heard this information from my own sources inside GRU, and I was really surprised that it is unknown for American public because for us it was well known. And let's say that GRU was proud, GRU commanders were proud for their victory in the Vietnam war because they used military support to Vietnamese and very huge financial support for antiwar campaigns in this country.
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<br /> And I know that this question is very painful for America, for American people, because the Vietnam war is very difficult to forget. But you know that it is not American military who lost this war because this war was finished from here, not in Vietnam battlefield.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>A followup question and my final question is something you did have knowledge about directly and also I think potentially is a change in the way we look at history, and that is the entire truth about the Caribbean crisis or what we call the Cuban missile crisis. And I will quote you again. ''My own information about the crisis came later when I was in the GRU Training Academy where I made a full analysis of the operation code named ANADYIR.''
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>ANADYIR.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>''There was much more of the Caribbean crisis than ever came out publicly, even in the Soviet Union.'' And you go through and talk about 42,000 Soviet troops being placed in Cuba and how Khrushchev himself was involved in a disinformation campaign.
<br />
<br /> But then here is what I really want you to get at because there have been reports of this, but now we have someone who did an actual internal Soviet study of this and I want you to comment on this. Quote, ''By Soviet general staff estimates, Operation ANADYIR was successful.'' Was successful?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes, sir.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>The Cuban missile crisis. ''There was no American attack, but more important after the Soviet missiles were returned to the U.S.S.R., American nuclear weapons were secretly removed from Turkey.''
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes, sir.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>''These latter weapons could cover the entire European forces of the Soviet Union and presented a grave threat. Kennedy was allowed to keep the removal a secret so that he could save face.''
<br />
<br /> Is that the results of your internal investigation of that situation, that the Cuban missile crisis really wasn't the big showdown that we have been led to believe in this country?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Actually, Mr. Chairman, this operation, code name ANADYIR, it was one of the largest, after World War II military environment, so-called disinformation and camouflage operation. And it was designed specially to force the United States to remove American nuclear missiles from Turkey, which were very close to former Soviet Union.
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<br /> And the result of this operation was recognized
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>I don't know that we all agree with that assessment, but certainly it is good for us to, at least, understand the way the Soviets interpret the Cuban missile crisis. The key question would be whether or not the United States nuclear missiles were removed from Turkey. I don't know the answer to that today, but we appreciate the insight.
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<br /> Mr. Pickett.
<br />
<br /> Mr. <b>PICKETT. </b>Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will try to be brief. Colonel Lunev, is it your statement to us today that the Russian Government presently has explosive devices stored in the United States?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Stolen?
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<br /> Mr. <b>PICKETT. </b>Stored here. Placed here. Lodged here. Stored here.
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>I never said that they are here. I said it is possible that these devices are here, because they are not inside Russia.
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<br /> Mr. <b>PICKETT. </b>And you mentioned in your written remarks that in your view, the Mafia, or, I suppose, organized crime, is in control of the government in Russia at the present time?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes, sir. But I need to explain that Russian Mafia is very different from well-known other Mafias. Well-known Sicilian Mafia. Italian Government tries to fight against this Mafia and from time to time successfully. Colombian Mafia. It is not Colombian Mafia. It is not Mexican Mafia. It is not Japanese or Chinese Mafia. It is very special Mafia, because this Mafia appeared as a Mafia in eighties, and includes not only traditional criminals but corrupted Communist Party top-level officials, government members, law enforcement agency leaders and representatives.
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<br /> So, this is mixture between politicians, criminals, representatives of law enforcement agencies, which are establishing their position against law, and illegally. So, it is actually a different Mafia. And of course this Mafia, they do have their own people inside government and inside Parliament.
<br />
<br /> Only one example: You know how long Russian Parliament tried to adopt law for fighting against organized crime in Russia? When it was finally approved, law enforcement agencies didn't have any tool to fight against organized crime because this law didn't include most important points which are necessary for fighting against organized crime groups in Russia.
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<br /> Mr. <b>PICKETT. </b>Does this organized crime group consist of simply one single organization or is it several or many organizations?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>According to estimations, just now there are about 6,000 organized crime groups in Russia. But only about 300 of them could be recognized as Mafia-type criminal syndicates which control banks, joint ventures, private companies, together with traditional criminal business, money laundering, racketeering, extortion of money, prostitution and drug trafficking. According to Russian estimation, about 80 percent of all Russian private businesses are in hands of Russian Mafia. In Moscow and St. Petersburg, this percentage is much higher.
<br />
<br /> And these people who are inside government, inside Parliament, and in law enforcement agencies, of course they are doing everything what is possible to make this Mafia successful and they do not need any changes in current situation in Russian Federation because this situation is very good for them. Not for country, not for people, but only for these organized crime groups.
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<br /> But let's say that this is domestic problem for Russia and what for to discuss these domestic problems here? But please keep in mind that about 30 of most powerful, rich, and experienced Mafia-type organizations in Russia, they already establish their presence and made their establishment in this country. They made their establishment in this country in every other American state and in every big American city. And this is main danger for this country, because when they are coming here as legitimate businessmen, and their money is investments to American economy, are very welcomed by local authorities. But when they come here and making their establishment, they cannot exist for so low interest rate as you do have in this country. Back in Russia they have 30 percent monthly interest. Thirty percent.
<br />
<br /> So, according to their view or against their view, they are dreaming about the same business they have in Russia. And using their huge amount of money, organization, and trained personnel, they beginning to do the same way in this country. And you know what has happened. In New York City, in Miami, in California, when local authorities begin to recognize that this is direct threat to their economies because Mafia people, they don't care about how to recruit somebody from bank or from American companies, they are using their own methods and very effective methods, penetrating through American financial and economical infrastructure and trying to establish control over most profitable American enterprises. I think this is main danger.
<br />
<br /> Mr. <b>PICKETT. </b>So, you estimate, Colonel Lunev, you estimate that there are some 6,000-Mafia type units existing in Russia? Did I understand you correctly?
<br />
<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes, sir. And this is let's say—because of according Russian estimation. There are much more.
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<br /> Mr. <b>PICKETT. </b>But there is no single leader of all of these 6,000 individual units?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>No, no. As a result of this you can see a lot of contract killers and killings, assassinations in Moscow; because during the last 5 years, I think more than 500 Russian businessmen were killed in this—between groups connections.
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<br /> Mr. <b>PICKETT. </b>Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
<br />
<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Thank you, Mr. Pickett.
<br />
<br /> Mr. Bartlett.
<br />
<br /> Mr. <b>BARTLETT. </b>Thank you very much. Relative to Mr. Pickett's question of how the Russians might get small nuclear weapons into this country, I have noted, perhaps jokingly in the past, but if I had the assignment of getting nuclear weapons into this country, I would simply put them in a bale of marijuana. We cannot detect the bale of marijuana and if it contained the nuclear weapon, presumably we couldn't detect that either.
<br />
<br /> If or when the bale of marijuana got here it wasn't broken down and moved to the street, if it was simply sequestered somewhere, the argument could be made that we would never know that the bale of marijuana had come here. If we cannot see it when it is moving an airplane or on a boat or in the back of a van, it would be less likely that we would see it once it had been moved to its final destination and sequestered. I wonder if you would comment.
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>I am sorry, sir, because for me, actually I didn't understand your question. But if I understand right, you would like to know how it is possible to keep these weapons system in one place for a long period of time? Or not?
<br />
<br /> Mr. <b>BARTLETT. </b>My observation was that just as a layman looking at the challenge of getting a nuclear weapon into this country, that I had in the past jokingly said that it would be easy to get it here, I would simply put it in a bale of marijuana. Many bales of marijuana are smuggled into our country. If they were hollowed out and a nuclear weapon put in the bale of marijuana, that would seem to be a reasonably secure way of getting it into the country.
<br />
<br /> Then I observed that if after it was here, the marijuana was not broken down and moved to the street, we would never know that it was here. And the analogy would be that if the nuclear weapon then having been smuggled in in the bale of marijuana were simply sequestered somewhere, why would we expect that we would ever find it?
<br />
<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Just now I understand. I am sorry, sir. Mr. Barlett, you just now, you mentioned excellent way how to
<br />
<br /> Mr. <b>BARTLETT. </b>I have a political question. You may not be able to answer, but it is one that intrigues me. I have asked why the Russians, with their tough domestic situation and few dollars, are still engaging in military preparations, and I was told that it was because they were paranoid.
<br />
<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="38"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#39">Page 38</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#37">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 2 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;"> If that is true, then my question is why would we want to feed that paranoia by expanding NATO into what used to be part of the Soviet Union? That would not appear to me to be in the national security interest of our country, or any country. If, in fact, Russia is pursuing its military ventures, developments, because it is paranoid, why would we want to feed that paranoia by expanding NATO?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>To say paranoia I think is too strong, because these people, they are not crazy. They are not crazy. But they are using this time, current time, and using the situation which is in place in Russia to become rich and to preserve this money they receive legally and illegally, 99 percent illegally, for their future generations.
<br />
<br /> In time when there is very deep economical, social, political, and just now financial crisis, these people much more rely on the international aid and assistance than on possibility to develop their own economy and industry. And in time when this crisis is in place and, you know, according to news from Russia, and new strikes, no payments of salaries, including military personnel—and for your information, maybe it will be interesting for you—when General Staff officers and Minister of Defense senior officers, including generals who were not paid for several months, they need to go after business hours to the streets and work as salespeople, security guards, taxicab drivers, to make their ends meet, to feed their family by something.
<br />
<br /> In this situation, the Russian Government needs to explain for its own population that it is not the Government's fault that everything bad, really bad is going on in Russia, but because of foreign enemy or military potential adversity which try to destroy Mother Russia the same way as the enemy destroyed former Soviet Union. To keep away attention of Russian population from domestic difficulties and pose them to the face of foreign enemy.
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<br /> And you know that during last year, let's say last 2 or 3 years, Russian military conducted huge exercises. And the last one happened 2 months ago when Strategic Air Force Command had really very big field exercises. And when they trained Russian military personnel to fight against whom? Against American military personnel for the future war against the United States.
<br />
<br /> So they are not paranoid. They are very practical people who are trying to deal very well on problems inside Russia and international problems. And sometimes very successfully. You know about this last International Monetary Fund loan to Russia, together with Japanese money, it would be $22 billion, more than $22 billion. And this is in time when Russia now needs to pay every third budget ruble for serving of foreign debts; with new money, they will need to pay 45 percent of Russian budget, income, for serving of foreign debt. But not one penny will not go to Russian people, the same way it happened with all billions of dollars received by the Russian Federation during last 6 years.
<br />
<br /> They are not paranoid. They are very smart, but they are dangerous.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BARTLETT. </b>Thank you very much for your insight. I hope that our intelligence people were listening. You are saying that what Russia is doing is calculated, it is not the result of paranoia.
<br />
<br /> This brings me to my last question. Our chairman mentioned Yamantau Mountain. This is a large facility, the largest new nuclear-secure facility in the world. It started with Brezhnev. The Russians have spent about $4 billion building it. You mentioned that they cannot pay the salaries of their military people. At a time when they cannot pay those salaries they are still building at Yamantau Mountain.
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<br /> They have just increased the housing which would accommodate about 60,000 before the increase. It is not command and control, it is not food storage, it is not clothing storage. It is none of these things. Clearly, its only use would be after a nuclear war.
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<br /> Do you have any suggestion as to why the Russians are still continuing to put a large amount of money in Yamantau Mountain?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Sir, thank you for question. You know that in regular Russian people, there are a lot of problems. They are not paid. Some soldiers receiving cat and dog food in their daily rations, and they are lucky because in some military camps they do not receive anything. They need to sell something and to buy food for weapons systems they are selling to the same state criminals.
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<br /> But Russian Federation until now didn't change anything in structure of strategic Armed Forces. Conventional Armed Forces, they don't care about it because it could be restored in very short period of time. But they still taking very close care of our strategic nuclear missile personnel and paying very close attention for the development. In time of very deep economical crisis, Russia spent a lot of money for the development of new types of strategic missiles, nuclear warheads, submarines, everything connected with strategic buildup of Russian Federation.
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<br /> And they are not paranoid; they are really smart people. And they know that if their policy will push the world to the next world war, it would be thermonuclear war and the planet actually would be destroyed and people will die. But they don't want to die. As a result of this, they constructed huge underground facilities in Moscow, close to Moscow, with communications, underground communications with other places and cities, including Yamantau, huge actually bunker.
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<br /> There is no analog in this world for this huge bunker. It would be an underground city which can save let's say thousands of people from Russian elite after nuclear war. When planet will die, they will still be alive. And this is main reason. And they are not paranoid. They are smart.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BARTLETT. </b>Thank you.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Mr. Reyes from Texas.
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<br /> Mr. <b>REYES. </b>Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have got a number of comments to make about some of the testimony that has been made here. I am particularly interested in the observations that the gentleman made about the ease with which our borders can be penetrated, based on my background in the Border Patrol.
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<br /> When we are talking about the introduction of narcotics into this country, I think it is helpful to understand and realize that 90 percent of the narcotics coming into this country actually come through designated ports of entry. In other words, when we can only inspect 3 commercial trucks out of every 100, that is the most common way that people introduce narcotics into the country from its primary source, which is Mexico.
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<br /> In having worked with the Border Patrol, including almost 12 years as the chief in south Texas and west Texas, one of the things that we always were on guard for was unusual things by way of gathering intelligence. Obviously, having the ability to come in contact with not the normal profile people that we would be interested in, either for alien smuggling or narcotics traffics or arms trafficking, those kinds of things, we do have a system that identifies nontraditional targeted-type criminals, and certainly this, I think, would fit into that category.
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<br /> I am curious about—and the last thing I will say is that there is no such thing as a bale of marijuana. Marijuana is trafficked in kilo packages. The packages are bundled together. But normally—and this is based on my
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<br /> I am curious about a number of things, colonel. The first one is since you have been here in hiding, or in your current capacity, have you taken steps to change your appearance? Have you changed your physical appearance so that you would not be recognized?
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<br /> Mr. <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes, I changed it a little bit. But it was against my will, because in time when I had radiation therapy, this radiation machine burned everything here and keep only small hairs in this area. That is all.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Will the gentleman yield? Is it not correct that you have also changed your name?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes.
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<br /> Mr. <b>REYES. </b>I am curious, being here under those circumstances, do you have a regular income—or how do you make a living?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Because I am consultant, private consultant, and providing my services to government institution and companies which are interested in my recommendations.
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<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="43"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#44">Page 43</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#42">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 2 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;"> Mr. <b>REYES. </b>I was curious about your comment about the issue with the showdown with Cuba back in the sixties, and the fact that the strategy, if I understood it correctly, was to get the missiles removed from Turkey. I kind of found that curious, because there were so many other ways that the United States could threaten Russia in terms of—submarine missile launches and other ways, and I will look further into this, but I was kind of curious to have that as a major goal of the confrontation. I don't know if anyone else shares that.
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<br /> The last thing I will say is, colonel—and, Mr. Chairman, if you will indulge me here—you know, given the fact that we know that the Soviet Union has always actively engaged in disinformation, I am wondering if we couldn't be subjected to the ultimate form of disinformation and we couldn't be focused on an area or in a manner that we would be falling into a long-term strategy to keep us looking one place and not focusing in on what the real threat meant.
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<br /> I just have that—I guess it is my background, it is my training and the fact that there is so much disinformation that is part of the national strategy, both for our country and obviously for the Soviet Union and other world powers, that I hope that we are being circumspect in terms of not accepting everything at face value and not, from a practical standpoint, making sure that we have some kind of system where we can really validate and test a lot of these kinds of things.
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<br /> I am very much, obviously, concerned about the security of this country and the things that are evolving out of the Soviet Union and other parts of the world. But, I think, it would behoove us to really be careful and be circumspect about the way that we approach, and not take everything on its merits or on its face value. And that is basically my whole comment, Mr. Chairman.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Thank you. Colonel Lunev, would you like to respond to Mr. Reyes' comments?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>I have only a few words, comments for this. Let's say—you mentioned very interesting thing, because Border Patrol from time to time, they found that it is not regular drug traffickers, they have found connected with drugs something else. It has happened, let's say about the last 7, 8 years during these years, last years. I cannot exclude possibility that there were so-called new people in drug trafficking business, which could be used by intelligence agencies for transportation of different weapons systems from one country to another and back.
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<br /> But it is possible that these so-called new drug traffickers are connected with new wave of drug trafficking to this country, which was organized by former KGB operatives in former Soviet Union, which developed some kind of very special organization using former KGB intelligence officers, their contacts with foreign countries, and their previous locations when they were operational, for drug trafficking from Golden Triangle, from Southwest Asia through Central Asia, former Soviet Central Asia Republic. After this, Southern Europe to Cuba, from Cuba to Latin American countries, and from them to the United States. So, maybe it is new drug traffickers which are part of this current Russian organized crime or Mafia-type activity.
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<br /> About Cuba, I need to tell you that Cuba is considered by Russian military as a some kind of strong point of Russian intelligence directed against the United States, because, you know, this huge SIGINT station by the name of Lourdes, located very close to Havana, which collected all information from Atlantic and American east coast and additionally to this station. There are some other elements of Russian intelligence on the Cuban territory which people recruits agents and send these agents to the United States for the spy business and to Latin American countries. So Cuba is very important.
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<br /> And you said about disinformation, it is very important point. And you know that during Cuban crisis, Soviet strategic nuclear missiles were deployed on the Cuban territory. But only limited number of specialists know that at the same time on Cuban territory were deployed tactical nuclear devices. Strategic, it means for the destruction of the American territory. Tactical, to destroy American fleet in time of blockade around Cuba.
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<br /> And actually, nobody does know about these tactical nuclear devices which were located in Cuba until end of eighties and were withdrawn from Cuban territory only in the end of 1980's, without any knowledge of Fidel Castro about these nuclear weapons location in his own territory.
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<br /> Thank you, sir.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Thank you. We are going to come around again if you have other questions.
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<br /> Mr. Bateman.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>Thank you, Mr. Chairman. As I have understood your testimony, Colonel Lunev, it is to the effect that it is possible that these portable nuclear devices have been positioned in the United States, because they were in Russia but they are no longer there? Is that what I understand to be your testimony?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes, sir; because my point was that these devices need to be deployed in foreign countries, main potential military adversary territories, very well in advance. So in peacetime and maybe now. And it was not my story, but it was General Lebed, who was in charge of Russian Federation and Russian Security Council, who said openly that more than 100 of these devices disappeared from Russia and could be located somewhere in former Soviet Union or in other countries.
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<br /> As for me, I heard this information long, long time before General Lebed disclosed this one. But this is some kind of, let's say, official confirmation.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>So, basically you are saying that during your career as an operative for the GRU, you were aware that Russia had portable nuclear devices?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>And our instructors teach us how to use these devices.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>And a part of your assignment when you were in the United States before you defected was to find and recommend sites where they might be brought and deployed?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>You are absolutely right, sir.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>You have no knowledge that the sites you recommended were actually used?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>No. It is impossible to know about that.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>Has there been any disclosure as to the site that you did, in fact, recommend? Have you disclosed to any American authorities or intelligence agencies sites that you did recommend?
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<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="47"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#48">Page 47</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#46">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 2 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;"> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>In 1992, sir.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>When you defected, Mikhail Gorbachev was the Chief of State in the then-Soviet Union, and it was during his administration or regime, so to speak, that you
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Unfortunately, it is connected with the name of Gorbachev, yes; because his policy of perestroika and glasnost opened gates for open criminal activity. Because before it was underground, and first of all, in type of so-called shadow economy.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>But prior to Gorbachev, when there was Brezhnev, Andropov, and others, you were not offended by the political cultural system that we know to have existed in the Soviet Union?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>I am sorry, sir; I am sorry, sir. I asked my coauthor because I do not want to spend your time for nothing and will try to answer you shortly.
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<br /> Let's say that I lost all my ideological illusions about communism and Marxism-Leninism together. In time I had once military education in low school of Moscow and military political academy. It is not GRU training center. It is military political academy, a well-known fortress for Communist Party which tried to train political commissars for army, navy, and the air force.
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<br /> My school wasn't for commissars, low school. But when I was in the school, I had very special access to libraries. For ordinary people, they didn't have any access to these libraries, and I had the chance to see secret documents signed by Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, and I found they are not people. They are crazy maniacs who prefers to destroy thousands and millions of their own compatriots for their political goals. So, I lost my ideological illusions long, long time before perestroika and glasnost came.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>I am glad you clarified that because what we heard was that you had become disaffected by the corruption, the crime, the Mafia operations, and significance in Russian society, not by any ideological concern about the nature of communism and the Soviet Union.
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<br /> Let me ask you this. These portable nuclear devices—I should know this, but unfortunately I do not—what kind of capability do these devices have? Are they a threat primarily because of an explosion that can be obtained through these devices, or is it the radioactivity that they release, or is it both? What is the capability? What is the nature of the threat of these devices, if here and if they are utilized?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Thank you, sir, for your question. So-called nuclear briefcases—for us the official name was portable tactical nuclear devices—specially designed for special operation forces to destroy highly protected targets from inside. So their power is not big. Several kilotons.
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<br /> But if these devices would be delivered inside highly protected from outside bunker and exploded inside, they will destroy everything. And, of course, it would be together this power wave, radiation, and all—all results of nuclear explosion.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>So, the operative notion here is that these devices would be smuggled into the United States, would be concealed here, and then Special Operations Forces at a later predetermined time would come here, know where they were, they would get them, and then they would be able to insert them into secure facilities?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes, sir.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>To maximize their effectiveness?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes, sir. And they would be used, usually, in time when nuclear strike would be very, very close to the target. Because before, to register nuclear explosion, that means to compromise the whole war plans.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>So, these devices would be used in coordination with a full-blown nuclear attack upon the United States?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>And only—the concept was they would be used only under such a scenario?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes, sir. And I think it was a very good reason for General Lebed in his last interview to say especially that he finally found that these devices are in right hands, not bad hands. So, these devices cannot be used by, let's say, international terrorists. Because if they will find these devices and will try to open it, they will open box with garbage, no nuclear devices. That is all.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>I am not sure I understood your point. If I am understanding——
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Self-destruction machine.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>We have no threat of these devices from terrorists' attack; only from something that is actually a manipulated Russian-controlled operation?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes. These devices could be activated only by specialists. Not all, but specialists from Special Operations Forces commanders.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>But suppose Special Operations Forces having access to these devices, in addition to making them available to a terrorist, made available to them the information as to how to make them operative as a destructive device.
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes, sir. And of course these specialists who could take care about these devices, how to use it, of course they are not inside regular Special Operations Forces commanders. They are separated. And they would be assigned to the commanders' squads only in time when it would be necessary to activate these devices.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>But they would know how to activate?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>They will know; they will know.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>And there are people who have access to the device who also have access to the technology as to how to utilize them?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes, sir.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>So, if they are corrupted, then they could dispose of these devices for money to terrorist groups, along with information as to how to use them?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Sir, they couldn't acquire information. Russian Government keeping very close control over strategical forces in Russian Federation, including strategic SPETSNAZ or Special Operation Forces commanders. And these people are isolated. Isolated. They are supplied very well. They do not have shortage in salaries or food rations or something else. And I hope that until now, and in nearest future, they would not need to sell something, let's say, for terrorists or for criminals from this very special devices.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>Well, in that I am sure we all share your hope.
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Thank you.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>Given the magnitude of what you described as the criminal organizations that permeate Russian society, I don't know that I have a high level of confidence that even the most elite are immune from being affected.
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Sir, you know, it is a very strange situation in Russia when elite, elite of military-political establishment, they are corrupted from top to bottom. But people who are on the ground, let's say platoon company battalion commanders who do not receive salaries for several months, their family members are hungry, they still providing their services for government which does not pay their salary. So, it is paradox of Russian life when top-level elite is corrupted about people on the ground, working for the country which doesn't care about them.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>Well, I cannot debate with you whether or not this is the normal phenomenon, but all my experience with humankind is that not necessarily all of these people are that dedicated to the government which does not pay them.
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes.
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<br /> Mr. <b>BATEMAN. </b>I thank Mr. Chairman.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Thank you, Mr. Bateman. The gentlewoman from California, Ms. Sanchez.
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<br /> Ms. <b>SANCHEZ. </b>Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I am glad Mr. Reyes is back in the room. First of all, I want to thank you, Colonel, for being here today and to let you know that I do not come from a political background, I come from a business background, and that allows me to have a lot of friends who do work in Russia now for American companies. Some are very strategically placed, and I will tell you that they e-mail me all the time about the conditions in Russia and what you have mentioned about Mafia and the Government.
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Thank you.
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<br /> Ms. <b>SANCHEZ. </b>Second, it is wonderful to hear your English, and I am sure that all of my colleagues admire your proficiency in it. I noticed a couple of times that you were apologizing. Please don't, because it is really a wonderful thing to know various languages, and we thank you for being able to speak ours.
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<br /> I really have a question with respect to what you think would be the countermeasures that we, the United States, should take to better protect ourselves if, in fact, the Russian Government has a strategy of placing weapons of this type within the United States. What do you believe would be a strategic way to protect ourselves?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Thank you. By my view, in this country, you have very powerful counterintelligence community and law enforcement agencies. And as I already said, unfortunately they do not have possibility to cover everything in this country, so they need support of American people, from everybody, to support them in their really very hard job. If it would be support from every American citizen, I think they would have much more chance to do their job better than they are doing now.
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<br /> But, of course, to rely on people's support is very good idea but it is very difficult. And if I understand right for this country, it is necessary to build some kind of three lines of protection. Let's say to improve American intelligence community activity, and of course, not only by increased money for this agency. Yes; they need—they need this money, but maybe to focus this agency on the main threat to the United States national security and to concentrate attention for most targeted areas in this country to protect them.
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<br /> The same way for American counterintelligence. They are doing a really good job. And you know that they are not doing antispy regular business, but they are involved very deeply in fighting against organized crime groups in this country, so they need your support. They need support from American people and they need really, they need much more money, people, and possibilities to protect this ones.
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<br /> And let's say a third line of defense, I think it would be to focus American National Security Council on the most potential threats of this country and to pay much more attention for the most dangerous points, of course, in the experience of, let's say, a secondhand operations, second operations.
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<br /> This is briefly—and you remember the gentleman first asked about this who served in Border Patrol. This is law enforcement agencies, very highly trained professionals, but they cannot close everything. They need support. They need increase of funds. They need increase of numbers. Only in this case is it possible to prevent everything. But of course this is, let's say, some kind of ideological fiction.
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<br /> Ms. <b>SANCHEZ. </b>Thank you. I have another question with respect to this Russian Mafia. I think I have somewhat of an understanding of how it exists in the former—in Russia, as I said, I have friends who deal with it quite a bit. Actually on the inside.
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<br /> My question is, we hear a lot—for example, I come from the State of California where our local law enforcement talks about a Russian Mafia infiltrated within the United States that deals more in drug dealing and sales of false documents and things of that sort. Would you say that that Russian Mafia that our local law enforcement continues to come up against is in any way tied to what is happening back in the Soviet Union, or is that a separate——
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Actually, they have roots in Russia. And as Mafia, they appeared in Russia. And after this, they began to establish international connections and to spread their influence worldwide. So they came, let's say to California, as subunit, a so-called forward deployment unit from Mafia organization in Russian Federation, so they are based in Russia.
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<br /> But the operations just now, because in Russia they steal actually almost everything, so they need just now to have much more spheres of interest and various interests, so they came to California. And they have support from Mafia in Russia, huge amount of money, and unlimited number of personnel which can come to California when it would be necessary, to establish criminal business in California. But the criminal business, they are not limited by criminal business because, you know, this drug trafficking, prostitution, racketeering is on the surface and is really easy to register this activity.
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<br /> But for California, I think it is much more important that these Mafia groups located in California, they begin their penetrations through California economy. And they are trying to establish their own control over most profitable medium-sized and small-of-sized companies in California and using all their methods, trying, let's say first of all, to provide damage to this company, and after this, to establish control over this company. I think this is most important danger for California State.
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<br /> Ms. <b>SANCHEZ. </b>Great. And then I have a question, really. Maybe you don't have the expertise in this, but I will ask it anyway because I am interested in something that we have been dealing with here on the committee just in the recent month with respect to ballistic missile threats.
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<br /> We just had a report last month, a report to Congress. In the report, let me read something about the assessment of the threat posed by Russia. And then I will ask, since you are a consultant, you give recommendations, I will ask you to comment on the assessment provided in that report, what you may know or not know.
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<br /> The commission concluded in the report that Russia continues to pose a ballistic missile threat to the United States, although a different character than the past. The commission reports that the number of missiles in its inventory is likely to decline further compared to cold war levels, in that a large number of these missiles are basically becoming obsolete. Still, Russian ballistic missile forces continue to be modernized and improved, although the pace of modernization has been slowed. The Russian ballistic missile early warning system and the nuclear command and control system that have been affected by the aging and the delays in the planned modernization means that if there were civil strife present, early warning and command and control weaknesses would pose a risk of unauthorized or inadvertent launch of missiles against the United States.
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<br /> Could you comment on that?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Excellent question. I need about 2 hours to answer this question. But very briefly, very briefly, the situation in Russian strategic missile forces, of course, is very difficult. But the Russian Government keeping a very close eye on the development of this strategic missile forces command, and spends a lot of money for the development of new strategical nuclear missiles and new warheads for these missiles.
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<br /> Actually, in the whole world, creation of new warheads was canceled; and if it is going, it is going very slowly. But Russia is still developing these weapons system.
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<br /> But about safety, I think that strategic nuclear arsenal of Russian Federation is relatively safe because first of all these nuclear arsenals, strategic nuclear arsenal is protected by special directorate of the General Staff. These very highly trained professionals, they know exactly what to do in every type of situation, so they keeping close eye on the strategic nuclear weapons. But according tactical nuclear weapons, I cannot say so. I cannot say so. And this is absolutely different question, safety of tactical and nuclear arsenal.
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<br /> But according possible unauthorized use, you know what is happened couple of years ago in Russia when strategic nuclear command missile—nuclear command post found itself without electricity power for computers. In this post, cut power means war. Computers immediately reprogram, itself, own
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<br /> So, it was unauthorized attempt to use strategic nuclear arsenal by very simple reason; because Ministry of Defense didn't pay money for electric company and local electricity guy switched off power. That is all. But for nuclear missiles warhead, cutting power means war. So, I do not think that it is possible to use, without authorization, Russian strategic nuclear arsenal. And I think that this arsenal is safe and would be in safety, let's say, for a long period of time until START II and maybe START III Treaty would be in place.
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<br /> Ms. <b>SANCHEZ. </b>Thank you, colonel. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your indulgence with the time.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Thank you, and we will have another round if you want. Before I turn to Mr. McHale, what do you make of General Lebed's comments over the past several days that if certain conditions are not met in Krosnyosk that he would consider taking over?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Consider possibility to establish his control over military if government will not pay money? Yes.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Do you think he is just posturing himself against Moscow leadership to get them to pay? Do you think he would really seriously consider doing something like that?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Sir, let's say that he was inside Russian Federation, Yeltsin government, very short period of time, and until now, Russian people, they do not associate Lebed with Yeltsin government. I know how this has happened. Only a few months and he was fired. And if he will try really to establish his own control in Krasnoyarsk administrative district or military located in this district, including a lot of strategic nuclear missiles, I think local commanders will be very glad to recognize his superiority over them, if he will take care about them.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Thank you.
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<br /> Mr. McHale.
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<br /> Mr. <b>MCHALE. </b>Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Colonel, in your testimony, and I have had an opportunity to read all of it, you obviously focus on the pervasive influence of the Russian Mafia over the current government.
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<br /> Could you expand upon that and describe for us the interface between the Yeltsin government and its legitimate exercise of power and the corrupt influence of the Russian Mafia? Is this a relationship that is confrontational? Is it a relationship that is cooperative and illegitimate? Or is this ultimately a battle between legitimate, honest governmental forces and those who would seek to corrupt that process? I guess what I am really looking for is kind of a word picture. Who is really running Russia today? Is it the Mafia or is it President Yeltsin?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Actually, this is Mafia which is running Russia today. But as I already said, it is very different Mafia. Different Mafia because this is together industrial, mobsters, financial, criminals, law enforcement agencies, leaders and high-level officials, all of them together, plus former Communist Party high-level bureaucrats. So, these people are running Russia now. And just now they name themselves as industrial financial tycoons, but came from nothing 8 years ago to richest people in the world now.
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<br /> And nobody from them cannot explain the first capital they began their business with. Some money came from criminals directly. Some money from Communist Party money. Some money from KGB special reserves. So these people just now are ruling Russia and the name in Russia is Mafia.
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<br /> Mr. <b>MCHALE. </b>I am hesitant to use the term Mafia, because it may draw historical references that are inappropriate, drawn from our own history, and unrealistically relating that history to your own. Let me just refer to it as a criminal infrastructure.
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<br /> How does this—I gather from what you say—very powerful criminal infrastructure extending across areas of political activity, industrial activity, financial activity, interface with the legitimate Government of President Yeltsin? Where does their power end and his power begin? Or to what extent is there a corrupt cooperative relationship, not that I mean to imply such, between the legitimate government and the criminal infrastructure?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Legitimate government and criminal infrastructure just now are very close to each other, and penetrating into each other. People from government are involving in private business and criminal groups are involving in government activity. And it is no joke, but just now Russians are talking that every political party in Russia has its own criminal Mafia organization and every Mafia-type organization has its own political party. So this is mixture.
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<br /> And about Yeltsin's government, Russian Federation Government, this government trying to explain to its own people that trying to fight against organized crime group, declared several campaigns for fighting against organized crime groups. Six campaigns. All of them failed because who will fulfill the main duties of this campaign? Law enforcement agencies. They are corrupt.
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<br /> A few years ago it was official estimation of Russian—one of President Yeltsin's assistants in charge of national security—that for Moscow police, Moscow police, 90 percent of personnel existed on the money they received from Mafia. How these people can fight against organized crime if they are receiving money from these Mafia-type organizations? So, there is no border or any kind of very clear difference between government and criminal activities together.
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<br /> Mr. <b>MCHALE. </b>You paint a pretty bleak picture. Imagine that you were up here on the dais in our position and we are seeking to identify honest, independent, reform-oriented elements of the Russian Government.
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<br /> Can you help us in that identification? Are there elements of the Russian Government that are truly striving for the democratic ideals that we hold to be true, and what can we do to relate to those independent, honest elements of government in order to reinforce their capability? How do we find the good guys and how do we help them?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>I think for this purposes you have a strong intelligence agency in this country and it is their responsibility to provide you that answer for this question. Of course, I cannot say that every, everybody in this country—by the way, which government? Last government? Previous government? And how long this current government will stay in power is very difficult to say. But I cannot say that everyone connected are criminals. But almost every, yes, they are connected. And to find who is who, I think it is not very difficult in Russia. And I think for your intelligence community, there is not any kind of big problem to answer for your question. And I think that it is necessary, it is necessary to look a little bit more around government trying to find people who are really supporting democratic changes which need to be in place in Russia, but they are not.
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<br /> So, to look around and not concentrate only on government and with people who are outside government, I think it would be very good idea to find common ways how to do together to plan democracy inside Russia.
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<br /> Mr. <b>MCHALE. </b>You are talking about strategic partnerships with those who are outside the formal structure of government. Financial relationships, industrial relationships.
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<br /> Colonel, you discuss at some length, both in your testimony and on prior occasions, the selection of drop sites for weapons of mass destruction in the United States. Could you briefly describe to us the selection criteria that you used? Was it based on industrial activity in that area? Population centers? Political significance? What kinds of considerations entered into your calculation?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>First of all, nobody from—intelligence officers in the fields was not informed about weapons systems. He need to find places for storages. He was informed about sites of so-called dead drop. It was necessary to find, let's say, 1 meter and 50 centimeters. What is possible to put there, we didn't know. But we understand that it would be some kind of container for
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<br /> Mr. <b>MCHALE. </b>I understand.
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>So, with this question for us, everything was very clear. But another one, why it is not necessary that to get very close to industrial or political objects or mostly populated areas. They need to be located in places where it would be most easiest way to reach this place and to take this place for future target. Let's say that.
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<br /> Mr. <b>MCHALE. </b>If I understand correctly, you are saying that this drop site was not the place for detonation but simply for storage?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>For storage only. For storage only. So, let's say for Washington, DC, operational area, what was the most important? Chain of military command. With destruction of the chain, war would be victorious for one side immediately, and losing for another side. So, it needs to be located, let's say, in not very far from this place, but not very close to this place because all this area around big Washington, DC, under very special and permanent attention of American Special Services. So, it needed to be not, let's say, 500 miles, but not less than 50 miles to this place. So, location was depends from future operational use of these weapons.
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<br /> Mr. <b>MCHALE. </b>Thank you for the information. Mr. Chairman do we have time for one more question?
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Sure, go ahead.
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<br /> Mr. <b>MCHALE. </b>Colonel, I have been affected by your emphasis on the corrupt and pervasive nature of the Russian Mafia, to use the term that you employed earlier, and I have deep-seated concerns, concerns that I think you intended to produce, regarding the influence of that criminal infrastructure.
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<br /> On a very pragmatic level, how do we, in the United States build a positive and strategic relationship with the Russian people, a relationship that many of us believed would be the outcome of the end of the cold war, an opportunity to set aside our weapons, particularly our nuclear weapons, perhaps not abandon them, but to move back from the brink of confrontation and build a very positive relationship with the Russian people.
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<br /> How do we continue to pursue that goal while dealing with the reality and the potential brutality of a criminal infrastructure that exercises such enormous control over the Russian Government and, by implication, Russian society? How do we build that friendship with the people while confronting and challenging the criminal element?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Thank you very much, sir. It is an excellent, excellent question. I can tell you only one. That Russian people, they like American people. Ordinary Russians, they know where is America and what does it mean, America. And let's say that—we do have very many common points between ourselves—but let's say what does it mean America? This is our planet in miniature, dozens of different nations, nationalities, different races in one country. It was absolutely the same in former Soviet Union where there were dozens of nations, nationalities, people with different color of skin. And so, we do have not only this multinational structure, we have a lot of common cultural values, human values together. And to find way to understand Russian people, it is no problem absolutely. And Russian people find way to understand American people.
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<br /> But American people, you have democracy here. And you have a right to elect and control. Russians, officially they do have it. But unfortunately in real life, they have very limited rights. And I never heard about somebody who say that he hates America. No. They like America and excited by the American way of life; and envy, envy for Americans which can establish their own way of life without order from the top.
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<br /> So, how to build this relationship? I think you already are doing, because fortunately I had a chance to see some materials from your committee when you are involved in providing support for Russian Parliament members in their understanding, better understanding of democracy and how it is possible to live in democracy. Finally you are providing them with advises and something and other information, how to build their own economical life, for finance and for housing builders. You have a lot of problems, but who knows about it? You know. Russian Parliament. Who else? It is absolutely unknown for general public because you spent hours, you spend your lives trying to do it, but nobody doesn't know about it.
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<br /> So, please extend your possibilities and inform American public that you are not sleeping, you are doing and doing very important thing. And, of course, to answer your questions, I need to return back to our previous conversations. Please, do not concentrate your policy and activity only for one person. Only for one person. He is nothing now. He is thinking about his family. That is all. I mean big family. Try to find somebody else who would much more easier to understand you and will make return step to your step, which are doing with your open heart, that is all.
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<br /> Mr. <b>MCHALE. </b>Spasibo.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Colonel, the question by Mr. McHale and your response leads us to what I want to say about this hearing and what our purpose here is and our intent, and the fact that I hope people don't misread this as an attempt to try to come at a conclusion that we should totally withdraw from involvement with Russia, that we should somehow attempt to recreate Russia as an adversary that we eventually have to confront militarily, because I don't believe either one of those two.
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<br /> My intent with this hearing was to present to the American people and our colleagues that there are serious concerns within Russia. And I think we do ourselves a disservice when we, as a government, deny reality, when we pretend that Boris Yeltsin is in total control; when we pretend that the $600 million a year we put into Russia in terms of cooperative threat reduction, which I support, and economic development assistance, is really helping the Russian people.
<br />
<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="65"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#66">Page 65</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#64">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 2 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;"> Because for the most part, the average Russian person doesn't see the benefit of the money we are putting into that country. They don't see the benefit. And therefore, if anything, they see their quality of life getting worse instead of better.
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<br /> You mentioned a couple of the ideas that we are pursuing and two of them, I think, are very important because we have worked very aggressively on these.
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<br /> The first is to empower the state Duma, to have the state Duma and the Federation Council, the equivalent to our Senate, play more of an aggressive, proactive role in the Russian Government, because right now you have a strong President. And the strong President can threaten to disband
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<br /> So, I think one of the things that we can and should do, in fact, what we are doing, is find ways to strengthen the Duma and identify those leaders in the Duma who are enlightened, who are honest, and who really are committed to Russia's long-term success. And let me say to you there are a number of those kinds of people. There are a number of Duma deputies who I believe are honest, hardworking, sincere, and who we have and can trust. And so, we are taking the initiative to work with those individuals.
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<br /> The second thing I think we have to do is help Russia create a middle class. I think by your testimony and by your own observations, you have the very wealthy Russians who are bleeding the system, taking in many cases money intended for the average Russians and putting it in Swiss bank accounts and in United States real estate investments, instead of helping the Russian people.
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<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="66"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#67">Page 66</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#65">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 2 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;"> We need to find ways that can help Russia create a middle class, and one of those you alluded to is a mortgage financing mechanism so that average Russians making $200 a month or less, which is the average Russian family, can, in fact, be able to buy a flat, an apartment, or house, and mortgage it as we do in this country over 25 to 30 years.
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<br /> It is very difficult to do that. And I will tell you why. Because we have relied for so long in this country on President-to-President that our Government doesn't want to bypass the existing structure in Russia. And what I think we have to do, and I want you to comment on this, I think we have to bypass that structure. We have to find ways to go right to the regions, to the regional leaders, the governors outside of Moscow, who can and who, I think, want to create real programs, programs that have integrity to help the Russian people, instead of these centralized and centrally controlled programs that basically benefit the existing power structure and the existing seven or nine bankers who are basically siphoning off the bulk of the money that the IMF and that we put in. Do you agree with that assessment?
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<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Yes, sir. Yes, sir. And I can say additionally only a few words, because all of this international financial assistance which is going to Russia is going to the central government, to central bank, and international bank organized numerous operations for this money, especially how to distribute this money finally to the private pockets of new Russian tycoons. So, this money is used by central government for their own people.
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<br /> But if some aid and assistance will go to the regional powers, to the regional governors, governments, they are not corrupted so much as central government, and maybe just now from all this international hundreds of billions of dollars, not one penny came to ordinary Russians. So, if you do this business using local authorities, I think it would be much more effective, much more effective for the future of Russia.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Well, I agree with you totally, and we are working in that regard aggressively to accomplish that.
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<br /> Mr. Pickett do you have any other questions?
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<br /> Mr. <b>PICKETT. </b>No; I have no questions Mr. Chairman.
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<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>Colonel Lunev, are there any other points that you would like to make that we haven't covered? There are a number of other questions we could ask you about, but I think you have given us a very fair and accurate perspective, and I think you have also been very careful to caution us that you haven't been involved for 6 years in Russia as an agent, and that you don't have direct information to all of those things that we have asked about. You are just giving us your personal feelings.
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<br /> But you shared with us your desire to have stable relations between the American people and the Russian people. And I would hope that people do not misinterpret this hearing. Again, this is not to try to embarrass anyone. It is to try to fully understand what is happening in Russia.
<br />
<br /> I started this hearing off by talking about one of my good friends. I have many good friends in Russia but one of my good friends was Lev Rokhlin, a hero in Russia. He turned down the highest award that the Russian Government offers to its military, the Hero of Russia Award, because of Pavel Grachev who was going to give it to him, and Lev Rokhlin's lack of respect for Pavel Grachev, a man who was a member of Yeltsin's party and who, rightly or wrongly, last year called for Yeltsin's impeachment because he felt that the soldiers were not being given proper attention in Russia, which I think has been acknowledged by everyone. But because of his outspoken criticism, apparently he has been assassinated. That troubles me greatly; one, because he was a friend, and two, because you cannot tolerate those kind of high-level assassinations in a government of law.
<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="68"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#69">Page 68</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#67">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 2 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;">
<br /> I think what you have provided for us is a perspective from one agent as to some of the internal problems in Russia and the potential threat to the United States I would encourage people—and this is not an ad for your book—but I would mention, since you were so kind to come here and you are not being paid anything for this appearance, <i>Through the Eyes of the Enemy, </i>by Col. Stanislav Lunev, published by Regnery Press, coauthored by Ira Winkler who is also here today.
<br />
<br /> We thank you for this perspective on your feelings, and I pledge that we will continue to work to have a stable relationship and one that helps the Russian people; not those bureaucrats, not the protected class, but rather the Russian people, so that we can live in peace together.
<br />
<br /> With that, I would ask the audience and the media to allow you to leave first, so you can protect your identity, and once you have left the room, we will adjourn the hearing.
<br />
<br /> Colonel <b>LUNEV. </b>Thank you, sir. Thank you very much.
<br />
<br /> Mr. <b>WELDON. </b>The subcommittee hearing now stands adjourned.
<br />
<br /> [Whereupon, at 12:30 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]
<br />
<br /> "The Official Committee record contains additional material here."
<br />
<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="69"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#70">Page 69</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#68">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 2 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;"> "The Official Committee record contains additional material here."</span>SntMartyrhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11197760281270769367noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-397968883514093681.post-46953351668606478602011-08-20T20:07:00.003+03:002011-08-20T20:31:24.205+03:00U.S./RUSSIAN NATIONAL SECURITY ISSUES<pre><span style="font-size:100%;">Segment 1 Of 2 <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM">Next Hearing Segment(2)</a>
<br />
<br /><a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0X.HTM#SPEAK" target="WINDOW_2">SPEAKERS</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0X.HTM#STATE" target="WINDOW_2">CONTENTS</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0X.HTM#INSERT" target="WINDOW_2">INSERTS</a>
<br /></span></pre><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="1"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0.HTM#2">Page 1</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 1 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;">
<br />50–710
<br />1998
<br />
<br /><b>[H.N.S.C. No. 105–38]</b>
<br />
<br /><b>U.S./RUSSIAN NATIONAL SECURITY ISSUES</b>
<br />
<br />HEARING
<br />
<br />BEFORE THE
<br />
<br />MILITARY RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT SUBCOMMITTEE
<br />
<br />OF THE
<br />
<br />COMMITTEE ON NATIONAL SECURITY
<br />HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
<br />
<br />ONE HUNDRED FIFTH CONGRESS
<br />
<br />SECOND SESSION
<br />HEARING HELD
<br />AUGUST 4, 1998
<br />
<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="2"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0.HTM#3">Page 2</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0.HTM#1">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 1 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;">
<br />
<br />
<br />MILITARY RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT SUBCOMMITTEE
<br />CURT WELDON, Pennsylvania, <i>Chairman</i>
<br />ROSCOE G. BARTLETT, Maryland
<br />JOHN R. KASICH, Ohio
<br />HERBERT H. BATEMAN, Virginia
<br />JOEL HEFLEY, Colorado
<br />JOHN M. McHUGH, New York
<br />JOHN N. HOSTETTLER, Indiana
<br />SAXBY CHAMBLISS, Georgia
<br />VAN HILLEARY, Tennessee
<br />JOE SCARBOROUGH, Florida
<br />WALTER B. JONES, Jr., North Carolina
<br />MICHAEL PAPPAS, New Jersey
<br />BOB RILEY, Alabama
<br />BILL REDMOND, New Mexico
<br />KAY GRANGER, Texas
<br />
<br />OWEN PICKETT, Virginia
<br />NEIL ABERCROMBIE, Hawaii
<br />MARTIN T. MEEHAN, Massachusetts
<br />JANE HARMAN, California
<br />PAUL McHALE, Pennsylvania
<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="3"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0.HTM#4">Page 3</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0.HTM#2">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 1 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;">PATRICK J. KENNEDY, Rhode Island
<br />ROD R. BLAGOJEVICH, Illinois
<br />SILVESTRE REYES, Texas
<br />TOM ALLEN, Maine
<br />JIM TURNER, Texas
<br />LORETTA SANCHEZ, California
<br />CIRO RODRIGUEZ, Texas
<br />
<br />Stephen Ansley,<i> Professional Staff Member</i>
<br />Robert Lautrup, <i>Professional Staff Member</i>
<br />Peter Pry, <i>Professional Staff Member</i>
<br />Jean Reed, <i>Professional Staff Member</i>
<br />Erica Striebel, <i>Staff Assistant</i>
<br />
<br />(ii)
<br />
<br />C O N T E N T S
<br />
<br /><b>HEARING:</b>
<br />
<br /> Tuesday, August 4, 1998, U.S./Russian National Security Interests
<br />
<br /><b>APPENDIX:</b>
<br /> Tuesday, August 4, 1998
<br />
<br /></span><pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><a name="4"></a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0.HTM#5">Page 4</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0.HTM#3">PREV PAGE</a> <a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_0.HTM#0">TOP OF DOC</a> Segment 1 Of 2 </span></pre><span style="font-size:100%;"><b>TUESDAY, AUGUST 4, 1998</b>
<br />
<br />STATEMENTS PRESENTED BY MEMBERS OF CONGRESS
<br />
<br /> Weldon, Hon. Curt, a Representative from Pennsylvania, Chairman, Military Research and Development Subcommittee
<br />
<br /> Pickett, Hon. Owen, a Representative from Virginia, Ranking Member Military Research and Development Subcommittee
<br />
<br />WITNESSES
<br /> Lunev, Stanislav, Former Colonel, Russian Military Intelligence (GRU)
<br />
<br />APPENDIX
<br /><b>PREPARED STATEMENTS:</b>
<br />
<br />Lunev, Stanislav
<br />
<br /><b>DOCUMENTS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD:</b>
<br />The Russian Military's Hour of Truth, Document Submitted By Hon. Ike Skelton, a Representative From Missouri, Ranking Member Committee on National Security
<br />
<br />
<br /><a href="http://commdocs.house.gov/committees/security/has216010.000/has216010_1.HTM">Next Hearing Segment(2)</a> </span>SntMartyrhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11197760281270769367noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-397968883514093681.post-41862811147016728432011-08-20T19:56:00.000+03:002011-08-20T19:58:02.868+03:00RIANOVOSTI - Ivan Ilyichev – Head of GRU<h1 class="bigtitle"><a href="http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20060509/93522495.html" class="dblue">Ivan Ilyichev – Head of GRU</a></h1><div class="data orange f-left"><span class="time nbr">10:18 </span>09/05/2006</div><p> MOSCOW. (RIA Novosti political commentator Alexei Ilyichev) - During the war, my grandfather, Ivan Ivanovich Ilyichev, was a General, or more precisely a Lieutenant-General. None of my childhood friends had such a granddad. I used to admire the numerous orders and medals on his dress uniform and the huge sword he kept in the closet. At that time I wanted my granddad to wear this uniform and the sword all the time, but he did not like to talk about the war, and told me about his service reluctantly. </p> <p>
<br />When I was a boy, I was told that my granddad was a leader of the partisan movement during the war. Only later, in my student years did I find out that he was actually the head of the GRU, the Red Army's Main Intelligence Directorate.
<br />The GRU had great officers who played an important part in our country's victory and prevented the dangerous backstage intrigues of the Western allies. Some military intelligence agents have already become legends, for example Richard Zorge (Ramzai), Hero of Russia Yan Chernyak, Rudolf Roessler (Lucy - one of the most efficient agents of World War II), Sandor Rado (Dora), Anatoly Gurevich (Kent), and Ursula Kuczynski-Beurton (the famous Sonia, whom some Western historians consider the best female spy ever). Yet many brilliant spies remain unknown, their names concealed by their pseudonyms.
<br />During the Soviet era, little was known about the GRU's activities in the war, but in the early 1990s they gradually began to open secret archives and the first treatises and books were published, including great works such as The GRU Empire (Imperia GRU) by Alexander Kolpakidi and Dmitry Prokhorov; The GRU and the Atomic Bomb (GRU i atomnaya bomba) by Vladimir Lota; and The GRU's Spies and Residents (Razvedchiki i rezidenty GRU) by Valery Kochik. From these and other books I finally learned the facts about the GRU that my grandfather would never have disclosed for certain reasons.
<br />My grandfather lived a great life. </p> <p>
<br />He was born on August 14, 1905, into a peasant family in the village of Navoloki near Kaluga. The revolution drastically changed his life. In the mid 1920s he already held positions in the Komsomol and the Communist Party. The country badly needed educated personnel, and gifted ordinary people had brilliant perspectives. In 1938, he graduated from the Tolmachev Military Political Academy in Leningrad (later transferred to Moscow and renamed as the Lenin Academy). In his last year he headed the department's party organization, but was suddenly excluded from the party following a denunciation by an NKVD agent. </p> <p>
<br />They recalled his earlier sins.
<br />When a secretary of the Kaluga regional Komsomol committee, Ivan had had the imprudence to visit a meeting of Trotsky followers. </p> <p>
<br />He waited for the inevitable arrest, and his friends and colleagues immediately began to shun him, but the sword of Damocles never fell. In 1938, the repressions reached such a level that the Party's Central Committee adopted its famous decree on excesses. Yemelyan Yaroslavsky's commission arrived in Leningrad to reconsider hundreds of cases, and Ivan Ilyichev was restored to the party. Moreover, his career unexpectedly took off, and he was sent to the 5th intelligence directorate of the Red Army as head of the political department, with the rank of a brigade commissar. And the man who denounced him was given a show trial. So were the times. </p> <p>
<br />And then there was the Kremlin: the 33-year-old Ilyichev was received by Joseph Stalin himself, who, as granddad liked to recall, gave him a meaningful farewell: "We know you were excluded from the party. ... The party made a mistake - the party is correcting it." Grandfather respected Stalin until he died. </p> <p>
<br />When Ilyichev came to the Red Army's military intelligence, almost its entire central staff had been repressed and crushed. The directorate was devastated, he said. Immediately before the Nazi invasion, five military intelligence chiefs were repressed. The GRU's wartime heads - Fyodor Golikov, Alexey Panfilov, Ivan Ilyichev and Fyodor Kuznetsov - were luckier. For example, when, before the war, in June 1940, the 5th directorate was returned to the Red Army's General Staff and renamed as the General Staff's Intelligence Directorate, Ilyichev remained head of the political department.
<br />He read almost all reports of the agents and, most importantly, was able to influence decision-making. Before the war, reports about a German invasion became more frequent. Grandfather was at odds with Lieutenant-General Fyodor Golikov, who feared Stalin dreadfully and kept editing agents' reports. This was especially true just before the war started.
<br />The war was a horrible ordeal for the country and its intelligence. </p> <p>
<br />A few months later my grandfather understood that the military intelligence was failing and its structure was not suitable for the war. At the end of January 1942, brigade commissar Ilyichev sent a staff report to the State Defense Committee, where he emphasized, "the organizational structure of the military intelligence has not been brought in line with the war conditions and is holding up intelligence operations." Having considered the report, the Committee made the crucial decision of dividing military and clandestine intelligence into two independent divisions. Stalin appreciated Ilyichev's proposals and appointed him head of GRU agents. A number of changes followed and in October 1942 the main intelligence directorate of the Red Army's General Staff was transformed into the Red Army's Main Intelligence Directorate (GRU), subordinated to the People's Commissar for Defense, and given the task of supervising all clandestine intelligence abroad, including in Germany. Lieutenant-General Ilyichev was appointed head of the GRU, and Lieutenant-General Fyodor Kuznetsov head of the General Staff's military intelligence. </p> <p>
<br />It is such a pity that grandfather left few memoirs. To the end of his life he thought that excessive openness might hurt the state and the GRU, and did not believe secrets should ever be declassified. He greatly appreciated the master of military clandestine intelligence, Mikhail Milshtein, who was given the most difficult tasks. His deputy for naval intelligence was Vice Admiral Mikhail Vorontsov, who, as naval attache in Berlin, had reported the exact date of Hitler's attack on the Soviet Union before the war. </p> <p>
<br />Stalin's trust made my grandfather a rival to Lavrenty Beriya, the then head of the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs, or NKVD. </p> <p>
<br />At home, Ilyichev had a special phone for direct connection with the Supreme Commander-in-Chief. There were very few such phones in the country. </p> <p>
<br />Although in some operations my grandfather cooperated efficiently with head of the NKVD's foreign department, Pavel Fitin, and head of the NKVD's 4th department, Pavel Sudoplatov, (decrees on cooperation between the NKVD and the GRU had been signed in September 1941), he had strained relations with NKVD head Lavrenty Beriya. Beriya repeatedly tried to compromise the GRU, but Stalin always stood up for the clandestine intelligence. My grandfather recalled that Stalin had been interested in personal files of all spies who were sent legally or illegally to Germany and the largest Western countries.
<br />The fact that General Ilyichev could report directly to Stalin, bypassing all the levels, was especially irritating for the NKVD chief. </p> <p>
<br />Our family tradition recalls the following story.
<br />One night, Stalin called at 3 a.m., wanting to dictate an urgent directive. Unfortunately, the boys (that is, my father and his brother) had removed all the pens and pencils from the phone table. My grandfather, however, could not tell Stalin, "Wait while I find a pencil," and had to memorize all the directive that lasted for several minutes. I think this added some gray hairs! He then spoke to the boys, and no one ever touched the pencils near that phone again.
<br />In fact, every GRU operation during World War II deserves a separate book. Ivan Ilyichev was involved in providing intelligence support to absolutely all of the Army's major front operations, and the GRU was responsible for acquiring information via agent networks about the Wehrmacht's strategic plans and distribution of theater forces.
<br />Apart from intelligence against Germany, the GRU was charged with finding out the plans and moves of the allies, who, unfortunately, were not always sincere towards the Soviet Union. Soviet residents worked in London, Geneva, Paris, Washington, Tokyo, Stockholm, Ankara and other capitals. </p> <p>
<br />Rivalry was as tough as the war itself.
<br />The allies gave us almost no information via official channels. But due to efficient intelligence, Stalin was aware of almost all of their plans. GRU agents in Britain and the USA sent the Soviet leaders detailed reports on the allies' positions before the Tehran and Yalta conferences. At the end of 1942 a scientific group of the GRU deciphering service, with the help of agents, found a way to decipher German telegrams encoded using the Enigma machine. On November 29, 1942 General Ilyichev signed an award recommendation for the officers of the deciphering service. The GRU had a brilliant agent in the British military agency, who sent German, Japanese and Turkish coded telegrams deciphered by the British to Moscow en masse. Lieutenant-General Ilyichev signed special reports that gave detailed accounts of the Overlord and Rankin operations. The GRU had a special role in saving the allies after the unfortunate Ardennes-Alsace operation. Ilyichev was responsible for controlling the redeployment of German troops eastwards. </p> <p>
<br />A great achievement of the GRU was getting information on the uranium problem.
<br />In 1943, Ivan Ilyichev received a report from London from Sonia, who reported that US President Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Churchill had signed a secret agreement on joining efforts to create an atomic bomb. At that time, Ursula Kuczynski was watching the legendary physicist Klaus Fuchs, who consciously played a crucial role in destroying America's nuclear monopoly. It was via military intelligence channels that Fuchs supplied information on the British atomic project Tube Alloys, and later on the Manhattan Project as well. The specific tasks were set by GRU chief Ilyichev, who got guidance from Igor Kurchatov. In 1941-1943, Fuchs provided the GRU with over 570 sheets of important information on the uranium project.
<br />In 1944, surveillance over Fuchs was transferred to the NKVD's foreign intelligence as part of the program to coordinate the work of the NKVD and the Red Army intelligence on the atomic problem. Yet the GRU had brilliant agents besides Fuchs. An important role in getting American nuclear secrets belonged to GRU agents Artur Adams (Achilles) and Allan Nunn May (Alec). There were other great spies as well. </p> <p>
<br />After the peak of success, trouble hit. </p> <p>
<br />In September 1945, Igor Guzenko, the military attache's cipher officer, defected in Ottawa. It was a catastrophe. Cipher officers usually know everything. Many agents were arrested or quickly returned to the Soviet Union. Stalin set up a party commission to investigate the blunder. My grandfather's life once again hung by a thread. The commission headed by Malenkov and Beriya wanted blood, and Ilyichev expected arrest. Yet once again Stalin was benevolent. My grandfather was saved because, before Guzenko defected, Ilyichev had demanded that Guzenko be returned to Moscow, as he doubted his reliability. The Soviet leader took this into account. Yet Ilyichev still had to retire from the GRU and the army. At their last meeting Stalin told him, "I personally have no complaints about you, but try to work in the diplomatic field." So his calmer and more predictable diplomatic career began. </p>SntMartyrhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11197760281270769367noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-397968883514093681.post-31528197767900756552011-07-10T18:27:00.000+03:002011-08-10T18:31:11.717+03:00Main Intelligence Directorate, the GRU<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhGk2zIRmXq-kWZJ4FQtMjzppN9Cg_4lSoQ4YozuGOYVROLFzt0FDVQ6yOCp-j4TPagU3eSAFIhzX3AsKaZ235q-gZ6IZtmEF0vVMecfL0ieZuDlEkUaLsj61ggIyTmkA3eHi03DofcGmc8/s1600/militaryintelligence.gif" onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}"><img style="cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 300px; height: 214px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhGk2zIRmXq-kWZJ4FQtMjzppN9Cg_4lSoQ4YozuGOYVROLFzt0FDVQ6yOCp-j4TPagU3eSAFIhzX3AsKaZ235q-gZ6IZtmEF0vVMecfL0ieZuDlEkUaLsj61ggIyTmkA3eHi03DofcGmc8/s400/militaryintelligence.gif" border="0" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5639249456812038066" /></a>
<br /><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Tahoma, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; -webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 10px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 10px; "><h1 style="font: normal normal bold 25px/normal Calibri, Tahoma, Helvetica, sans-serif; color: rgb(31, 79, 130); ">Main Intelligence Directorate, the GRU</h1><b>Chief of the GRU - Alexander Shlyakhturov</b><p align="justify">Main Intelligence Directorate, or the GRU in Russian (for Glavnoye Razvedyvatelnoye Upravleniye) is the foreign military intelligence directorate of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation. The chief of the GRU is subordinate only to the Chief of the General Staff and the Minister of Defense and has no direct connection to the political leadership of the country.</p><p align="justify">The GRU was created on October 21, 1918 under the sponsorship of Leon Trotsky, who was then the civilian overseer of the Red Army[4]; it was originally known as the Registration Directorate (Registrupravlenie, or RU). Simon Aralov was its first head. It was given the task of handling all military intelligence, particularly the collection of intelligence of military or political significance from sources outside the Soviet Union.</p><p align="justify">The GRU gathers human intelligence through military attaches and foreign agents. It also maintains significant signals intelligence and imagery reconnaissance and satellite imagery capabilities.</p><p align="justify">With the dissolution of the USSR at the start of 1992, the GRU became for a time the principal intelligence body of the Main Command of the Commonwealth of Independent States Armed Forces. Following the April 1992 creation of a Russian Ministry of Defense, however, the GRU became Russia's military-intelligence arm.</p><p align="justify">In the 1990s, unlike the SVR, the GRU was involved in the conflict in Chechnya. In 1996 Dzhokhar Dudaev, the separatist president of Chechnya was assassinated, when military intelligence successfully homed in on Dudaev’s cell phone signal and fired a missile in his direction. During the first and the second Chechen war, the GRU was also involded in the conflict through special operations forces spetsnaz units, deployed in Chechnya. Spetsnaz is subordinate to the military intelligence. In the yearly 2000s two Spetsnaz Special forces brigades, termed East and West, were made up of ethnic Chechens. The primary role of both brigades was the liquidation of suspected insurgents and their work is held in high esteem by Moscow. In August 2004 Sergey Ivanov, Russian minister of defense, met with the Spetsnaz commanders to declare his support and supply them with more advanced weapons.</p><p align="justify">On February 13, 2004, a white Toyota Land Cruiser carrying Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev, a Chechen warlord and vice president of the breakaway republic, and his 13-year-old son was blown up in the Qatari capital of Doha. No one took responsibility for the attack, but soon three Russian secret services' agents were arrested. Two of them were accused of killing, found guilty and then handed over to Russia. It was widely reported that both officers were agents of Russian military intelligence.</p></span>SntMartyrhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11197760281270769367noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-397968883514093681.post-16754240953574219202011-01-07T23:49:00.006+02:002011-01-08T00:19:17.387+02:00GRU - Wikipedia<div><br /></div><div><h1 id="firstHeading" class="firstHeading">GRU</h1></div><div><br /></div><div><div id="siteSub">From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia</div> <!-- /tagline --> <!-- subtitle --> <div id="contentSub"></div> <!-- /subtitle --> <!-- jumpto --> <div id="jump-to-nav"> Jump to: <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#mw-head">navigation</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#p-search">search</a> </div> <!-- /jumpto --> <!-- bodytext --> <div class="dablink">For other uses, see <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU_%28disambiguation%29" title="GRU (disambiguation)">GRU (disambiguation)</a>.</div> <dl> <dd><i>Not to be confused with <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/State_Political_Directorate" title="State Political Directorate">GPU</a>, a similarly named Soviet embodiment.</i></dd> </dl> <table class="infobox vcard" style="width: 22em; text-align: left; font-size: 88%; line-height: 1.5em;"> <tbody><tr> <th colspan="2" class="fn org" style="font-size: 125%; text-align: center;">GRU Generalnogo Shtaba</th> </tr> <tr> <th colspan="2" class="nickname" style="font-size: 120%; text-align: center;">Glavnoje Razvedyvatel'noje Upravlenije</th> </tr> <tr> <th colspan="2" class="nickname" style="font-size: 120%; text-align: center;">Главное Разведывательное Управление</th> </tr> <tr> <td colspan="2" style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:GRU_emblem.svg_2.jpg" class="image"><img alt="GRU emblem.svg 2.jpg" src="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/1f/GRU_emblem.svg_2.jpg/150px-GRU_emblem.svg_2.jpg" width="150" height="176" /></a></td> </tr> <tr> <td colspan="2" style="text-align: center;">GRU Official emblem until <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009" title="2009">2009</a>.</td> </tr> <tr> <th colspan="2" style="background-color: rgb(239, 239, 239); text-align: center;"><span class="category">Agency</span> overview</th> </tr> <tr> <th>Formed</th> <td>1918</td> </tr> <tr> <th>Jurisdiction</th> <td><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Government_of_Russia" title="Government of Russia">Government of Russia</a></td> </tr> <tr> <th>Agency executive</th> <td><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lt._Gen." title="Lt. Gen." class="mw-redirect">Lt. Gen.</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Shlyakhturov" title="Alexander Shlyakhturov">Alexander Shlyakhturov</a>, Director</td> </tr> </tbody></table> <p><b>GRU</b> or <b>Glavnoye Razvedyvatel'noye Upravleniye</b> is the foreign military intelligence directorate of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/General_Staff_of_the_Armed_Forces_of_the_Russian_Federation" title="General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation">General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation</a> (formerly the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_Army" title="Soviet Army">Soviet Army</a> General Staff of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_Union" title="Soviet Union">Soviet Union</a>). <i>GRU</i> is the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/English_language" title="English language">English</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transliteration_of_Russian_into_English" title="Transliteration of Russian into English" class="mw-redirect">transliteration</a> of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russian_language" title="Russian language">Russian</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Acronym" title="Acronym" class="mw-redirect">acronym</a> <b>ГРУ</b>, which stands for "Главное Разведывательное Управление", meaning <b>Main Intelligence Directorate</b>. The official full name translation is <b>II Main Directorate of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation</b>. Other name, GRU GSh <i>(</i>GRU Generalnovo Shtaba<i>, i.e. "GRU of the General Staff").</i></p> <p>The GRU is Russia's largest foreign intelligence agency.<sup id="cite_ref-0" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-0"><span>[</span>1<span>]</span></a></sup> In 1997 it deployed six times as many agents in foreign countries as the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foreign_Intelligence_Service_%28Russia%29" title="Foreign Intelligence Service (Russia)">SVR</a>, which is the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/KGB" title="KGB">KGB</a> intelligence successor. It also commanded <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spetsnaz_GRU" title="Spetsnaz GRU">25,000 Spetsnaz troops</a> in 1997.<sup id="cite_ref-1" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-1"><span>[</span>2<span>]</span></a></sup></p> <p>The current GRU Director is <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lieutenant_General" title="Lieutenant General">Lieutenant General</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Shlyakhturov" title="Alexander Shlyakhturov">Alexander Shlyakhturov</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-reuters.com_2-0" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-reuters.com-2"><span>[</span>3<span>]</span></a></sup></p> <table id="toc" class="toc"> <tbody><tr> <td> <div id="toctitle"> <h2>Contents</h2> <span class="toctoggle">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#" class="internal" id="togglelink">hide</a>]</span></div> <ul> <li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-1"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#History"><span class="tocnumber">1</span> <span class="toctext">History</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-2"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#Activities"><span class="tocnumber">2</span> <span class="toctext">Activities</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-3"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#Miscellaneous"><span class="tocnumber">3</span> <span class="toctext">Miscellaneous</span></a> <ul> <li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-4"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#Chechnya"><span class="tocnumber">3.1</span> <span class="toctext">Chechnya</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-5"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#Baranov"><span class="tocnumber">3.2</span> <span class="toctext">Baranov</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-6"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#Historic_agents"><span class="tocnumber">3.3</span> <span class="toctext">Historic agents</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-7"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#GRU_.22Illegals.22"><span class="tocnumber">3.4</span> <span class="toctext">GRU "Illegals"</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-8"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#Naval_GRU"><span class="tocnumber">3.5</span> <span class="toctext">Naval GRU</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-2 tocsection-9"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#GRU_defectors"><span class="tocnumber">3.6</span> <span class="toctext">GRU defectors</span></a></li> </ul> </li> <li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-10"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#Further_reading"><span class="tocnumber">4</span> <span class="toctext">Further reading</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-11"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#References"><span class="tocnumber">5</span> <span class="toctext">References</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-12"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#External_links"><span class="tocnumber">6</span> <span class="toctext">External links</span></a></li> <li class="toclevel-1 tocsection-13"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#See_also"><span class="tocnumber">7</span> <span class="toctext">See also</span></a></li> </ul> </td> </tr> </tbody></table> <script></script> <h2><span class="editsection">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=GRU&action=edit&section=1" title="Edit section: History">edit</a>]</span> <span class="mw-headline" id="History">History</span></h2> <p>The GRU was created on October 21, 1918 under the sponsorship of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leon_Trotsky" title="Leon Trotsky">Leon Trotsky</a>, who was then the civilian overseer of the Red Army;<sup id="cite_ref-3" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-3"><span>[</span>4<span>]</span></a></sup> it was originally known as the Registration Directorate (<i>Registrupravlenie</i>, or RU). <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Simon_Aralov" title="Simon Aralov">Simon Aralov</a> was its first head. In his history of the early years of the GRU, Raymond W. Leonard writes:</p> <blockquote> <p>"As originally established, the Registration Department was not directly subordinate to the General Staff (at the time called the Red Army Field Staff — <i>Polevoi Shtab</i>). Administratively, it was the Third Department of the Field Staff's Operations Directorate. In July 1920, the RU was made the second of four main departments in the Operations Directorate. Until 1921, it was usually called the <i>Registraupr</i> (Registration Department). That year, following the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Polish%E2%80%93Soviet_War" title="Polish–Soviet War">Soviet-Polish War</a>, it was elevated in status to become the Second (Intelligence) Directorate of the Red Army Staff, and was thereafter known as the <i>Razvedupr</i>. This probably resulted from its new primary peacetime responsibilities as the main source of foreign intelligence for the Soviet leadership. As part of a major re-organization of the Red Army, sometime in 1925 or 1926 the RU became the Fourth (Intelligence) Directorate of the Red Army Staff, and was thereafter also known simply as the "Fourth Department." Throughout most of the interwar period, the men and women who worked for Red Army Intelligence called it either the Fourth Department, the Intelligence Service, the <i>Razvedupr</i>, or the RU.[...] As a result of the re-organization [in 1926], carried out in part to break up Trotsky's hold on the army, the Fourth Department seems to have been placed directly under the control of the State Defense Council (Gosudarstvennaia komissiia oborony, or GKO), the successor of the RVSR.Thereafter its analysis and reports went directly to the GKO and Politburo, even apparently bypassing the Red Army Staff."<sup id="cite_ref-4" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-4"><span>[</span>5<span>]</span></a></sup></p> </blockquote> <p>It was given the task of handling all <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_intelligence" title="Military intelligence">military intelligence</a>, particularly the collection of intelligence of military or political significance from sources outside the Soviet Union. The GRU operated residencies all over the world, along with the SIGINT (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Signals_intelligence" title="Signals intelligence">signals intelligence</a>) <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lourdes_SIGINT_Station" title="Lourdes SIGINT Station">station in Lourdes, Cuba</a>, and throughout the former <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_Union" title="Soviet Union">Soviet</a> bloc countries, especially in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lithuania" title="Lithuania">Lithuania</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Latvia" title="Latvia">Latvia</a>, and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Estonia" title="Estonia">Estonia</a>.</p> <p>The first head of the GRU was <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/J%C4%81nis_B%C4%93rzi%C5%86%C5%A1_%28military%29" title="Jānis Bērziņš (military)" class="mw-redirect">Janis Karlovich Berzin</a>, a Latvian Communist and former member of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cheka" title="Cheka">Cheka</a>, who remained in the post until 28 November 1937, when he was arrested and subsequently liquidated during <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Stalin" title="Joseph Stalin">Joseph Stalin</a>'s <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Great_Purge" title="Great Purge">purges</a>.</p> <p>The GRU was well-known in the Soviet government for its fierce independence from rival power blocs, even the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communist_Party_of_the_Soviet_Union" title="Communist Party of the Soviet Union">Communist Party of the Soviet Union</a> (CPSU) and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/KGB" title="KGB">KGB</a>. At the time of the GRU's creation, Lenin infuriated the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cheka" title="Cheka">Cheka</a> (predecessor of the KGB) by ordering it not to interfere with the GRU's operations. Nonetheless, the Cheka infiltrated the GRU in 1919. This planted the seed for a fierce rivalry between the two agencies, which were both engaged in espionage, and was even more intense than the rivalry between the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/FBI" title="FBI" class="mw-redirect">FBI</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CIA" title="CIA" class="mw-redirect">CIA</a> in America would be in a future time.</p> <p>The existence of the GRU was not publicized during the Soviet era, although documents concerning it became available in the West in the late 1920s and it was mentioned in the 1931 memoirs of the first <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/OGPU" title="OGPU" class="mw-redirect">OGPU</a> defector, Georges Agabekov, and described in detail in the 1939 autobiography (<i>I Was Stalin's Agent</i>) of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter_Krivitsky" title="Walter Krivitsky">Walter Krivitsky</a>, the most senior Red Army intelligence officer ever to defect.<sup id="cite_ref-5" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-5"><span>[</span>6<span>]</span></a></sup> It became widely known in Russia, and the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Western_world" title="Western world">West</a> outside the narrow confines of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligence_community" title="Intelligence community">intelligence community</a>, during <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Perestroika" title="Perestroika">perestroika</a>, in part thanks to the writings of "<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Viktor_Suvorov" title="Viktor Suvorov">Viktor Suvorov</a>" (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vladimir_Rezun" title="Vladimir Rezun" class="mw-redirect">Vladimir Rezun</a>), a GRU agent who defected to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Kingdom" title="United Kingdom">Britain</a> in 1978, and wrote about his experiences in the Soviet military and intelligence services. According to Suvorov, even the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/General_Secretary_of_the_Central_Committee_of_the_Communist_Party_of_the_Soviet_Union" title="General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union" class="mw-redirect">General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union</a> couldn't enter GRU headquarters without going through a security screening.</p> <p>The GRU is still a very important part of the Russian Federation's intelligence services, especially since it was never split up like the KGB was.<sup id="cite_ref-reuters.com_2-1" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-reuters.com-2"><span>[</span>3<span>]</span></a></sup> The KGB was dissolved after aiding a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_coup_attempt_of_1991" title="Soviet coup attempt of 1991" class="mw-redirect">failed coup in 1991</a> against the then Soviet leader <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mikhail_Gorbachev" title="Mikhail Gorbachev">Mikhail Gorbachev</a>. It has since been divided into the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foreign_Intelligence_Service_%28Russia%29" title="Foreign Intelligence Service (Russia)">SVR (Foreign Intelligence Service)</a> and the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Security_Service_of_the_Russian_Federation" title="Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation" class="mw-redirect">FSB (Federal Security Service)</a>.</p> <h2><span class="editsection">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=GRU&action=edit&section=2" title="Edit section: Activities">edit</a>]</span> <span class="mw-headline" id="Activities">Activities</span></h2> <p>According to the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federation_of_American_Scientists" title="Federation of American Scientists">Federation of American Scientists</a>: "...Though sometimes compared to the US <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Defense_Intelligence_Agency" title="Defense Intelligence Agency">Defense Intelligence Agency</a>, [the GRU's] activities encompass those performed by nearly all joint US military intelligence agencies as well as other national US organizations. The GRU gathers <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/HUMINT" title="HUMINT" class="mw-redirect">human intelligence</a> through military attaches and foreign agents. It also maintains significant <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SIGINT" title="SIGINT" class="mw-redirect">signals intelligence</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IMINT" title="IMINT" class="mw-redirect">imagery reconnaissance</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/IMINT" title="IMINT" class="mw-redirect">satellite imagery</a> capabilities." <a href="http://www.fas.org/irp/world/russia/gru/ops.htm" class="external autonumber" rel="nofollow">[1]</a> GRU Space Intelligence Directorate had put more than 130 <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SIGINT" title="SIGINT" class="mw-redirect">SIGINT</a> satellites into orbit. GRU and KGB <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SIGINT" title="SIGINT" class="mw-redirect">SIGINT</a> network employed about 350,000 specialists.<sup id="cite_ref-Mitrokhin_6-0" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-Mitrokhin-6"><span>[</span>7<span>]</span></a></sup></p> <p>According to GRU defector Kalanbe, "Though most Americans do not realize it, America is penetrated by Russian military intelligence to the extent that arms caches lie in wait for use by Russian special forces". He also described a possibility that compact <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tactical_nuclear_weapons" title="Tactical nuclear weapons" class="mw-redirect">tactical nuclear weapons</a> known as "<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Suitcase_bomb" title="Suitcase bomb" class="mw-redirect">suitcase bombs</a>" are hidden in the US<sup id="cite_ref-Lunev_7-0" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-Lunev-7"><span>[</span>8<span>]</span></a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-nucs_8-0" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-nucs-8"><span>[</span>9<span>]</span></a></sup> and noted that "the most sensitive activity of the GRU is gathering intelligence on American leaders, and there is only one purpose for this intelligence: targeting information for <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spetsnaz" title="Spetsnaz">spetsnaz</a> (special forces) assassination squads [in the event of war]". The American leaders will be easily assassinated using the "<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Suitcase_bomb" title="Suitcase bomb" class="mw-redirect">suitcase bombs</a>", according to Lunev.<sup id="cite_ref-Lunev_7-1" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-Lunev-7"><span>[</span>8<span>]</span></a></sup> GRU is "one of the primary instructors of terrorists worldwide" according to Lunev<sup id="cite_ref-Lunev_7-2" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-Lunev-7"><span>[</span>8<span>]</span></a></sup> Terrorist <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shamil_Basayev" title="Shamil Basayev">Shamil Basayev</a> reportedly worked for this organization.<sup id="cite_ref-Glucksmann_9-0" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-Glucksmann-9"><span>[</span>10<span>]</span></a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-Basaev_10-0" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-Basaev-10"><span>[</span>11<span>]</span></a></sup><sup id="cite_ref-Fuller_11-0" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-Fuller-11"><span>[</span>12<span>]</span></a></sup></p> <p>US Congressman <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Curt_Weldon" title="Curt Weldon">Curt Weldon</a> supported claims by Lunev but noted that Lunev had "exaggerated things" according to the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/FBI" title="FBI" class="mw-redirect">FBI</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-12" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-12"><span>[</span>13<span>]</span></a></sup> Searches of the areas identified by Lunev - who admits he never planted any weapons in the US - have been conducted, "but law-enforcement officials have never found such weapons caches, with or without portable nuclear weapons."<sup id="cite_ref-13" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-13"><span>[</span>14<span>]</span></a></sup></p> <p>During the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2006_Georgian-Russian_espionage_controversy" title="2006 Georgian-Russian espionage controversy" class="mw-redirect">2006 Georgian-Russian espionage controversy</a>, four officers working for the GRU Alexander Savva, Dmitry Kazantsev, Aleksey Zavgorodny and Alexander Baranov were arrested by the Counter-Intelligence Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia and were accused of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Espionage" title="Espionage">espionage</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sabotage" title="Sabotage">sabotage</a>. This spy network was managed from Armenia by GRU Colonel Anatoly Sinitsin, who also masterminded the terrorist act in the town of Gori in central Georgia on 1 February 2005. Few days later the arrested officers were handed over to Russia through the OSCE. <a href="http://www.eurasianet.org/departments/insight/articles/eav092906a.shtml" class="external autonumber" rel="nofollow">[2]</a>.</p> <p>GRU detachments from <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chechnya" title="Chechnya">Chechnya</a> were transferred to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lebanon" title="Lebanon">Lebanon</a> independently of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Nations_Interim_Force_in_Lebanon" title="United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon">United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon</a> after the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2006_Israel-Lebanon_conflict" title="2006 Israel-Lebanon conflict" class="mw-redirect">2006 Israel-Lebanon conflict</a> "to improve Russia’s image in the Arab world", according to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sergei_Ivanov" title="Sergei Ivanov">Sergei Ivanov</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-debka4_14-0" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-debka4-14"><span>[</span>15<span>]</span></a></sup> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zelimkhan_Yandarbiyev" title="Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev">Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev</a> was assassinated by two GRU officers. GRU officers have also been accused of creating criminal <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Death_squads" title="Death squads" class="mw-redirect">death squads</a>.<sup id="cite_ref-Korolkov_15-0" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-Korolkov-15"><span>[</span>16<span>]</span></a></sup></p> <h2><span class="editsection">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=GRU&action=edit&section=3" title="Edit section: Miscellaneous">edit</a>]</span> <span class="mw-headline" id="Miscellaneous">Miscellaneous</span></h2> <div class="thumb tright"> <div class="thumbinner" style="width: 222px;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Evstafiev-spetsnaz-prepare-for-mission.jpg" class="image"><img alt="" src="http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/c/cf/Evstafiev-spetsnaz-prepare-for-mission.jpg/220px-Evstafiev-spetsnaz-prepare-for-mission.jpg" class="thumbimage" width="220" height="137" /></a> <div class="thumbcaption"> <div class="magnify"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Evstafiev-spetsnaz-prepare-for-mission.jpg" class="internal" title="Enlarge"><img src="http://bits.wikimedia.org/skins-1.5/common/images/magnify-clip.png" alt="" width="15" height="11" /></a></div> A <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spetsnaz_GRU" title="Spetsnaz GRU">Spetsnaz GRU</a> unit prepares for a helicopter mission at <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kabul" title="Kabul">Kabul</a> airport in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet_war_in_Afghanistan" title="Soviet war in Afghanistan">Afghanistan</a> in 1988. Photo by <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mikhail_Evstafiev" title="Mikhail Evstafiev">Mikhail Evstafiev</a>.</div> </div> </div> <h3><span class="editsection">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=GRU&action=edit&section=4" title="Edit section: Chechnya">edit</a>]</span> <span class="mw-headline" id="Chechnya">Chechnya</span></h3> <p><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dmitry_Kozak" title="Dmitry Kozak">Dmitry Kozak</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vladislav_Surkov" title="Vladislav Surkov">Vladislav Surkov</a> from the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Putin" title="Putin" class="mw-redirect">Putin</a> administration reportedly served in GRU.<a href="http://www.kavkazcenter.com/eng/content/2006/11/17/6451.shtml" class="external autonumber" rel="nofollow">[3]</a> Two Chechen former <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Warlords" title="Warlords">warlords</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Said-Magomed_Kakiev" title="Said-Magomed Kakiev" class="mw-redirect">Said-Magomed Kakiev</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sulim_Yamadayev" title="Sulim Yamadayev">Sulim Yamadayev</a> are commanders of <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special_Battalions_Vostok_and_Zapad" title="Special Battalions Vostok and Zapad">Special Battalions Vostok and Zapad</a> ("East" and "West") that are controlled by the GRU. Each battalion included close to a thousand fighters,<sup id="cite_ref-lords_16-0" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-lords-16"><span>[</span>17<span>]</span></a></sup> until their disbandment in 2008.</p> <h3><span class="editsection">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=GRU&action=edit&section=5" title="Edit section: Baranov">edit</a>]</span> <span class="mw-headline" id="Baranov">Baranov</span></h3> <p>In 2002, Bill Powell wrote <i>Treason</i>,<sup id="cite_ref-17" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-17"><span>[</span>18<span>]</span></a></sup> an account of the experiences of former GRU colonel <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Vyacheslav_Baranov&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Vyacheslav Baranov (page does not exist)">Vyacheslav Baranov</a>. Baranov had been recruited by the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CIA" title="CIA" class="mw-redirect">CIA</a> and agreed to spy for them, but was betrayed to the Russians by a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mole_%28espionage%29" title="Mole (espionage)">mole</a> in either the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/FBI" title="FBI" class="mw-redirect">FBI</a> or the CIA and spent five years in prison before being released. The identity of the mole remains unknown to this day, although speculation has mounted that it could have been <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robert_Hanssen" title="Robert Hanssen">Robert Hanssen</a>.<sup class="Template-Fact" title="This claim needs references to reliable sources from December 2009" style="white-space: nowrap;">[<i><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Citation_needed" title="Wikipedia:Citation needed">citation needed</a></i>]</sup></p> <h3><span class="editsection">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=GRU&action=edit&section=6" title="Edit section: Historic agents">edit</a>]</span> <span class="mw-headline" id="Historic_agents">Historic agents</span></h3> <ul> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Whittaker_Chambers" title="Whittaker Chambers">Whittaker Chambers</a>, an American journalist and ex-GRU agent who broke with Communism in 1938<sup id="cite_ref-Witness_18-0" class="reference"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_note-Witness-18"><span>[</span>19<span>]</span></a></sup></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Koval" title="George Koval">George Koval</a>, a scientist who stole atomic secrets from the Manhattan Project.</li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Eugene_Franklin_Coleman&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Eugene Franklin Coleman (page does not exist)">Eugene Franklin Coleman</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Arvid_Jacobson" title="Arvid Jacobson">Arvid Jacobson</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Milton_Bernstein" title="Joseph Milton Bernstein">Joseph Milton Bernstein</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Robert_Bejer%28%3F%29&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Robert Bejer(?) (page does not exist)">Robert Bejer(?)</a>(source:the last lie,het laatste leugen,le dernier mensonge(luc pire))</li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boris_Bukov" title="Boris Bukov">Boris Bukov</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lydia_Stahl" title="Lydia Stahl">Lydia Stahl</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Robert_Osman&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Robert Osman (page does not exist)">Robert Osman</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harold_Glasser" title="Harold Glasser">Harold Glasser</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mary_Jane_Keeney" title="Mary Jane Keeney">Mary Jane Keeney</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philip_Keeney" title="Philip Keeney">Philip Keeney</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hede_Massing" title="Hede Massing">Hede Massing</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Irving_Charles_Velson" title="Irving Charles Velson">Irving Charles Velson</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brooklyn_Navy_Yard" title="Brooklyn Navy Yard">Brooklyn Navy Yard</a>; <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Labor_Party" title="American Labor Party">American Labor Party</a> candidate for New York State Senate</li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=William_Spiegel&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="William Spiegel (page does not exist)">William Spiegel</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vincent_Reno" title="Vincent Reno">Vincent Reno</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ward_Pigman" title="Ward Pigman" class="mw-redirect">Ward Pigman</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_Sorge" title="Richard Sorge">Richard Sorge</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Tanner_Greimann&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Tanner Greimann (page does not exist)">Tanner Greimann</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Adam_Priess&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Adam Priess (page does not exist)">Adam Priess</a></li> </ul> <h3><span class="editsection">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=GRU&action=edit&section=7" title="Edit section: GRU "Illegals"">edit</a>]</span> <span class="mw-headline" id="GRU_.22Illegals.22">GRU "Illegals"</span></h3> <ul> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Boris_Devyatkin&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Boris Devyatkin (page does not exist)">Boris Devyatkin</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manfred_Stern" title="Manfred Stern">Moishe Stern</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Joshua_Tamer&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Joshua Tamer (page does not exist)">Joshua Tamer</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alfred_Tilton" title="Alfred Tilton">Alfred Tilton</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alexander_Ulanovsky" title="Alexander Ulanovsky">Alexander Ulanovsky</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ignacy_Witczak" title="Ignacy Witczak">Ignacy Witczak</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Yakov_Grigorev&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Yakov Grigorev (page does not exist)">Yakov Grigorev</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vladimir_Kvachkov" title="Vladimir Kvachkov">Vladimir Kvachkov</a></li> </ul> <h3><span class="editsection">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=GRU&action=edit&section=8" title="Edit section: Naval GRU">edit</a>]</span> <span class="mw-headline" id="Naval_GRU">Naval GRU</span></h3> <ul> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Fahy" title="Jack Fahy">Jack Fahy</a> (Naval GRU), Office of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coordinator_of_Inter-American_Affairs" title="Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs">Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs</a>; <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Board_of_Economic_Warfare" title="Board of Economic Warfare">Board of Economic Warfare</a>; <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Department_of_the_Interior" title="United States Department of the Interior">United States Department of the Interior</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edna_Patterson" title="Edna Patterson">Edna Patterson</a> Naval GRU, served in US August 1943 to 1956</li> </ul> <p>Vladimir Semichastny</p> <h3><span class="editsection">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=GRU&action=edit&section=9" title="Edit section: GRU defectors">edit</a>]</span> <span class="mw-headline" id="GRU_defectors">GRU defectors</span></h3> <div class="rellink relarticle mainarticle">Main article: <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Soviet_and_Eastern_Bloc_defectors" title="List of Soviet and Eastern Bloc defectors">List of Soviet and Eastern Bloc defectors</a></div> <ul> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Viktor_Suvorov" title="Viktor Suvorov">Viktor Suvorov</a> (Vladimir Bogdanovich Resun)</li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stanislav_Lunev" title="Stanislav Lunev">Stanislav Lunev</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oleg_Penkovsky" title="Oleg Penkovsky">Oleg Penkovsky</a>, a GRU officer who played an important role during the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cuban_Missile_Crisis" title="Cuban Missile Crisis">Cuban Missile Crisis</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Igor_Gouzenko" title="Igor Gouzenko">Igor Gouzenko</a>, a GRU cipher clerk who defected in Canada</li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter_Krivitsky" title="Walter Krivitsky">Walter Krivitsky</a>, a GRU defector who predicted that <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Stalin" title="Joseph Stalin">Joseph Stalin</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adolf_Hitler" title="Adolf Hitler">Adolf Hitler</a> would conclude a <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nazi-Soviet_non-aggression_pact" title="Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact" class="mw-redirect">Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact</a>, found dead in 1941</li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ignace_Reiss" title="Ignace Reiss" class="mw-redirect">Ignace Reiss</a>, a GRU defector who sent a letter of defection to Stalin in July 1937, found dead in September 1937</li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Juliet_Poyntz" title="Juliet Poyntz" class="mw-redirect">Juliet Poyntz</a>, a founding member of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communist_Party_of_the_United_States" title="Communist Party of the United States" class="mw-redirect">Communist Party of the United States</a>, allegedly killed for an attempt to defect</li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Iavor_Entchev&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Iavor Entchev (page does not exist)">Iavor Entchev</a>, a communist member of GRU; defected to United States during the Cold War.</li> </ul> <h2><span class="editsection">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=GRU&action=edit&section=10" title="Edit section: Further reading">edit</a>]</span> <span class="mw-headline" id="Further_reading">Further reading</span></h2> <ul> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_M._Glantz" title="David M. Glantz" class="mw-redirect">David M. Glantz</a>. <i>Soviet military intelligence in war.</i> Cass series on Soviet military theory and practice ; 3. London: Cass, 1990. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/0714633747" class="internal mw-magiclink-isbn">ISBN 0-7146-3374-7</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/071464076X" class="internal mw-magiclink-isbn">ISBN 0-7146-4076-X</a></li> <li>Raymond W. Leonard. <i>Secret soldiers of the revolution: Soviet military intelligence, 1918-1933.</i> Westport, Conn.; London: Greenwood Press, 1999. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/0313309906" class="internal mw-magiclink-isbn">ISBN 0-313-30990-6</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stanislav_Lunev" title="Stanislav Lunev">Stanislav Lunev</a>. <i>Through the Eyes of the Enemy: The Autobiography of Stanislav Lunev</i>, Regnery Publishing, Inc., 1998. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/0895263904" class="internal mw-magiclink-isbn">ISBN 0-89526-390-4</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Viktor_Suvorov" title="Viktor Suvorov">Viktor Suvorov</a> <i><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aquarium_%28Suvorov%29" title="Aquarium (Suvorov)">Aquarium</a></i> (<span lang="ru">Аквариум</span>), 1985, Hamish Hamilton Ltd, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/0241115450" class="internal mw-magiclink-isbn">ISBN 0-241-11545-0</a></li> <li>Viktor Suvorov <i>Inside Soviet Military Intelligence</i>, 1984, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/0026155109" class="internal mw-magiclink-isbn">ISBN 0-02-615510-9</a></li> <li>Viktor Suvorov <i>Spetsnaz</i>, 1987, Hamish Hamilton Ltd, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/0241119618" class="internal mw-magiclink-isbn">ISBN 0-241-11961-8</a></li> </ul> <h2><span class="editsection">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=GRU&action=edit&section=11" title="Edit section: References">edit</a>]</span> <span class="mw-headline" id="References">References</span></h2> <div class="reflist references-small" style=""> <div class="references"> <ol> <li id="cite_note-0"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-0">^</a></b> <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idUSTRE53N3K820090424" class="external text" rel="nofollow">Reuters Factbox on Russian military intelligence by Dmitry Solovyov</a></li> <li id="cite_note-1"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-1">^</a></b> <span class="citation" id="CITEREFLunev">Lunev, Stanislav (12 September 1997), <a href="http://www.jamestown.org/publications_details.php?volume_id=4&issue_id=217&article_id=2507" class="external text" rel="nofollow">"Changes may be on the way for the Russian security services"</a> (– <sup><a href="http://scholar.google.co.uk/scholar?hl=en&lr=&q=author%3ALunev+intitle%3AChanges+may+be+on+the+way+for+the+Russian+security+services&as_publication=&as_ylo=&as_yhi=&btnG=Search" class="external text" rel="nofollow">Scholar search</a></sup>), <i>The Jamestown Foundation</i><span class="printonly">, <a href="http://www.jamestown.org/publications_details.php?volume_id=4&issue_id=217&article_id=2507" class="external free" rel="nofollow">http://www.jamestown.org/publications_details.php?volume_id=4&issue_id=217&article_id=2507</a></span></span><span class="Z3988" title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Ajournal&rft.genre=article&rft.atitle=Changes+may+be+on+the+way+for+the+Russian+security+services&rft.jtitle=The+Jamestown+Foundation&rft.aulast=Lunev&rft.aufirst=Stanislav&rft.au=Lunev%2C%26%2332%3BStanislav&rft.date=12+September+1997&rft_id=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.jamestown.org%2Fpublications_details.php%3Fvolume_id%3D4%26issue_id%3D217%26article_id%3D2507&rfr_id=info:sid/en.wikipedia.org:GRU"><span style="display: none;"> </span></span><sup class="noprint Inline-Template"><span title=" since April 2009" style="white-space: nowrap;">[<i><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wikipedia:Link_rot" title="Wikipedia:Link rot">dead link</a></i>]</span></sup></li> <li id="cite_note-reuters.com-2">^ <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-reuters.com_2-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-reuters.com_2-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idUSTRE53N21920090424" class="external text" rel="nofollow">Reuters Russia's Medvedev sacks military spy chief by Dmitry Solovyov Fri Apr 24, 2009</a></li> <li id="cite_note-3"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-3">^</a></b> Earl F. Ziemke, <i>Russian Review</i> 60(2001): 130.</li> <li id="cite_note-4"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-4">^</a></b> Leonard, <i>Secret Soldiers of the Revolution</i>, p. 7.</li> <li id="cite_note-5"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-5">^</a></b> Leonard, <i>Secret Soldiers of the Revolution,</i> p.xiv.</li> <li id="cite_note-Mitrokhin-6"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-Mitrokhin_6-0">^</a></b> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Christopher_Andrew_%28historian%29" title="Christopher Andrew (historian)">Christopher Andrew</a> and <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vasili_Mitrokhin" title="Vasili Mitrokhin">Vasili Mitrokhin</a> (2000). The <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mitrokhin_Archive" title="Mitrokhin Archive">Mitrokhin Archive</a>: The KGB in Europe and the West. Gardners Books. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/0140284877" class="internal mw-magiclink-isbn">ISBN 0-14-028487-7</a>.</li> <li id="cite_note-Lunev-7">^ <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-Lunev_7-0"><sup><i><b>a</b></i></sup></a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-Lunev_7-1"><sup><i><b>b</b></i></sup></a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-Lunev_7-2"><sup><i><b>c</b></i></sup></a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stanislav_Lunev" title="Stanislav Lunev">Stanislav Lunev</a>. <i>Through the Eyes of the Enemy: The Autobiography of Stanislav Lunev</i>, Regnery Publishing, Inc., 1998. <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/0895263904" class="internal mw-magiclink-isbn">ISBN 0-89526-390-4</a></li> <li id="cite_note-nucs-8"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-nucs_8-0">^</a></b> <a href="http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/ReadArticle.asp?ID=25157" class="external text" rel="nofollow">Symposium: Al Qaeda’s Nukes</a> by Jamie Glazov, FrontPageMagazine, October 27, 2006</li> <li id="cite_note-Glucksmann-9"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-Glucksmann_9-0">^</a></b> <a href="http://prima-news.ru/eng/news/articles/2005/3/11/31434.html" class="external text" rel="nofollow">Western leaders betray Aslan Maskhadov</a> - by Andre Glucksmann. Prima-News, March 11, 2005</li> <li id="cite_note-Basaev-10"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-Basaev_10-0">^</a></b> <a href="http://www.jamestown.org/publications_details.php?volume_id=416&issue_id=3848&article_id=2371430" class="external text" rel="nofollow">CHECHEN PARLIAMENTARY SPEAKER: BASAEV WAS G.R.U. OFFICER</a> The Jamestown Foundation, September 08, 2006</li> <li id="cite_note-Fuller-11"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-Fuller_11-0">^</a></b> <a href="http://www.rferl.org/featuresarticle/2005/03/533b2aa8-dfbd-4837-9dfe-ec64e3206aa6.html" class="external text" rel="nofollow">Analysis: Has Chechnya's Strongman Signed His Own Death Warrant?</a> - by Liz Fuller, RFE/RL, March 1, 2005</li> <li id="cite_note-12"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-12">^</a></b> Nicholas Horrock, <a href="http://www.upi.com/NewsTrack/Top_News/2001/12/20/fbi_focusing_on_portable_nuke_threat/9007/" class="external text" rel="nofollow">"FBI focusing on portable nuke threat"</a>, <i>UPI</i> (20 December 2001).</li> <li id="cite_note-13"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-13">^</a></b> Steve Goldstein and Chris Mondics, "Some Weldon-backed allegations unconfirmed; Among them: A plot to crash planes into a reactor, and missing suitcase-size Soviet atomic weapons." <i>Philadelphia Inquirer</i> (15 March 2006) A7.</li> <li id="cite_note-debka4-14"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-debka4_14-0">^</a></b> <a href="http://www.debka.com/headline.php?hid=3354" class="external text" rel="nofollow">Moscow posts two Chechen platoons in S. Lebanon, one headed by an ex-rebel commander, "to improve Russia’s image in the Arab world"</a> by DEBKAfile</li> <li id="cite_note-Korolkov-15"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-Korolkov_15-0">^</a></b> <a href="http://2007.novayagazeta.ru/nomer/2007/01n/n01n-s00.shtml" class="external text" rel="nofollow">Special services are making teams for extrajudicial punishment (Russian)</a> by Igor Korolkov, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Novaya_Gazeta" title="Novaya Gazeta">Novaya Gazeta</a>, January 11, 2007. <a href="http://lrtranslations.blogspot.com/2007/02/spare-organs.html" class="external text" rel="nofollow">English translation</a></li> <li id="cite_note-lords-16"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-lords_16-0">^</a></b> <a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/elsewhere/journalist/story/0,,1796576,00.html" class="external text" rel="nofollow">Land of the warlords</a>, by Nick Paton Walsh, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guardian_Unlimited" title="Guardian Unlimited" class="mw-redirect">Guardian Unlimited</a></li> <li id="cite_note-17"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-17">^</a></b> <span class="citation" id="CITEREFPowell2002">Powell, Bill (2002-11-01), <i>Treason: How a Russian Spy Led an American Journalist to a U.S. Double Agent</i>, Simon & Schuster, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/0743229150" class="internal mw-magiclink-isbn">ISBN 0743229150</a></span><span class="Z3988" title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&rft.genre=book&rft.btitle=Treason%3A+How+a+Russian+Spy+Led+an+American+Journalist+to+a+U.S.+Double+Agent&rft.aulast=Powell&rft.aufirst=Bill&rft.au=Powell%2C%26%2332%3BBill&rft.date=2002-11-01&rft.pub=Simon+%26+Schuster&rfr_id=info:sid/en.wikipedia.org:GRU"><span style="display: none;"> </span></span></li> <li id="cite_note-Witness-18"><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#cite_ref-Witness_18-0">^</a></b> <span class="citation" id="CITEREFChambers1952">[<a href="http://www.whittakerchambers.org/" class="external text" rel="nofollow">|Chambers, Whittaker</a>] (1952), <a href="http://lccn.loc.gov/52005149" class="external text" rel="nofollow"><i>Witness</i></a>, New York: Random House, pp. 799, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/International_Standard_Book_Number" title="International Standard Book Number">ISBN</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Special:BookSources/52-5149" title="Special:BookSources/52-5149">52-5149</a><span class="printonly">, <a href="http://lccn.loc.gov/52005149" class="external free" rel="nofollow">http://lccn.loc.gov/52005149</a></span></span><span class="Z3988" title="ctx_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info%3Aofi%2Ffmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Abook&rft.genre=book&rft.btitle=Witness&rft.aulast=Chambers&rft.aufirst=Whittaker&rft.au=Chambers%2C%26%2332%3BWhittaker&rft.date=1952&rft.pages=pp.%26nbsp%3B799&rft.place=New+York&rft.pub=Random+House&rft.isbn=52-5149&rft_id=http%3A%2F%2Flccn.loc.gov%2F52005149&rfr_id=info:sid/en.wikipedia.org:GRU"><span style="display: none;"> </span></span></li> </ol> </div> </div> <h2><span class="editsection">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=GRU&action=edit&section=12" title="Edit section: External links">edit</a>]</span> <span class="mw-headline" id="External_links">External links</span></h2> <ul> <li><a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idUSTRE53N3K820090424" class="external text" rel="nofollow">Reuters factbox on GRU</a></li> <li><a href="http://www.wilsoncenter.org/index.cfm?topic_id=1409&fuseaction=topics.documents&group_id=511603" class="external text" rel="nofollow">The Cold War International History Project (CWIHP)</a> for new evidence on Soviet espionage in the United States from GRU/KGB archival sources</li> <li><a href="http://www.agentura.ru/english/dosie/gru/story/" class="external text" rel="nofollow">History of military intelligence</a> from the Agentura.ru project (in English)</li> <li><a href="http://www.fas.org/irp/world/russia/gru/index.html" class="external text" rel="nofollow">Information from FAS.org</a></li> <li><a href="http://fas.org/irp/world/russia/fbis/IntelligenceGRU.html" class="external text" rel="nofollow">Another FAS site</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.rian.ru/photolents/20061109/55488751.html" class="external text" rel="nofollow">President Putin visits new GRU headquarters</a></li> <li><a href="http://militera.lib.ru/research/suvorov8/25.html" class="external text" rel="nofollow">GRU High Command and leading GRU officers</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20060509/93522495.html" class="external text" rel="nofollow">Ivan Ilyichev – Head of GRU</a></li> <li><a href="http://www.sadcom.com/PINS/gru.htm" class="external text" rel="nofollow">GRU structure</a></li> </ul> <h2><span class="editsection">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=GRU&action=edit&section=13" title="Edit section: See also">edit</a>]</span> <span class="mw-headline" id="See_also">See also</span></h2> <ul> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Farewell_Dossier" title="Farewell Dossier">Farewell Dossier</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vatutinki" title="Vatutinki">Vatutinki</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Active_measures" title="Active measures">Active measures</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SMERSH" title="SMERSH">SMERSH</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leopold_Trepper" title="Leopold Trepper">Leopold Trepper</a>, an organizer of the <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soviet" title="Soviet" class="mw-redirect">Soviet</a> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spy" title="Spy" class="mw-redirect">spy</a> ring <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Red_Orchestra_%28spy%29" title="Red Orchestra (spy)" class="mw-redirect">Rote Kapelle</a> (Red Orchestra) prior to <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_II" title="World War II">World War II</a></li> <li><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pavel_Sudoplatov" title="Pavel Sudoplatov">Pavel Sudoplatov</a></li> <li>Nuclear <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Suitcase_bomb" title="Suitcase bomb" class="mw-redirect">suitcase bomb</a></li> </ul> <table class="navbox" style="" cellspacing="0"> <tbody><tr> <td style="padding: 2px;"> <table id="collapsibleTable0" class="nowraplinks collapsible collapsed" style="width: 100%; background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% transparent; color:inherit;" cellspacing="0"> <tbody><tr> <th style="" colspan="2" class="navbox-title"><span class="collapseButton">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#" id="collapseButton0">show</a>]</span><span style="float: left; width: 6em;"> </span><span class="" style="font-size:110%;">Links to related articles</span></th> </tr> <tr style="height: 2px; display: none;"> <td></td> </tr> <tr style="display: none;"> <td colspan="2" style="width: 100%; padding: 0px; font-size:111%;" class="navbox-list navbox-odd"> <div style="padding: 0px;"> <table class="navbox" style="" cellspacing="0"> <tbody><tr> <td style="padding: 2px;"> <table id="collapsibleTable1" class="nowraplinks collapsible autocollapse" style="width: 100%; background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% transparent; color:inherit;" cellspacing="0"> <tbody><tr> <th style="" colspan="2" class="navbox-title"><span class="collapseButton">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#" id="collapseButton1">show</a>]</span><span style="float: left; width: 6em; text-align: left;"><span class="noprint plainlinks navbar" style=""><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Template:Russian_intelligence_community" title="Template:Russian intelligence community"><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% transparent; border: medium none; font-size:100%;" title="View this template">v</span></a><span style="white-space: nowrap; background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% transparent; border: medium none; font-size:100%;"> <b>·</b> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Template_talk:Russian_intelligence_community" title="Template talk:Russian intelligence community"><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% transparent; border: medium none; font-size:100%;" title="Discuss this template">d</span></a><span style="white-space: nowrap; background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% transparent; border: medium none; font-size:100%;"> <b>·</b> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Template:Russian_intelligence_community&action=edit" class="external text" rel="nofollow"><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% transparent; border: medium none; font-size:100%;" title="Edit this template">e</span></a></span></span><span class="" style="font-size:110%;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russia" title="Russia">Russian</a> intelligence community</span></th> </tr> <tr style="height: 2px; display: none;"> <td></td> </tr> <tr style="display: none;"> <td colspan="2" style="width: 100%; padding: 0px;" class="navbox-list navbox-odd"> <div style="padding: 0em 0.25em;"> <div> <p><span style="white-space: nowrap;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/FAPSI" title="FAPSI">Federal Agency of Government Communications and Information (FAPSI / FAGCI)</a> <b>·</b></span> <span style="white-space: nowrap;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Security_Service_of_the_Russian_Federation" title="Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation" class="mw-redirect">Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation (FSB)</a> <b>·</b></span> <span style="white-space: nowrap;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Protective_Service_%28Russia%29" title="Federal Protective Service (Russia)">Federal Protective Service of Russia (FSO)</a> <b>·</b></span> <span style="white-space: nowrap;"><strong class="selflink">Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff (GRU)</strong> <b>·</b></span> <span style="white-space: nowrap;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foreign_Intelligence_Service_%28Russia%29" title="Foreign Intelligence Service (Russia)">Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR)</a></span></p> </div> </div> </td> </tr> </tbody></table> </td> </tr> </tbody></table> <table class="navbox" style="" cellspacing="0"> <tbody><tr> <td style="padding: 2px;"> <table id="collapsibleTable2" class="nowraplinks collapsible autocollapse" style="width: 100%; background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% transparent; color:inherit;" cellspacing="0"> <tbody><tr> <th style="" colspan="2" class="navbox-title"><span class="collapseButton">[<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU#" id="collapseButton2">show</a>]</span><span style="float: left; width: 6em; text-align: left;"><span class="noprint plainlinks navbar" style=""><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Template:National_Intelligence_Agencies" title="Template:National Intelligence Agencies"><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% transparent; border: medium none; font-size:100%;" title="View this template">v</span></a><span style="white-space: nowrap; background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% transparent; border: medium none; font-size:100%;"> <b>·</b> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Template_talk:National_Intelligence_Agencies" title="Template talk:National Intelligence Agencies"><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% transparent; border: medium none; font-size:100%;" title="Discuss this template">d</span></a><span style="white-space: nowrap; background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% transparent; border: medium none; font-size:100%;"> <b>·</b> </span><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Template:National_Intelligence_Agencies&action=edit" class="external text" rel="nofollow"><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% transparent; border: medium none; font-size:100%;" title="Edit this template">e</span></a></span></span><span class="" style="font-size:110%;">National <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligence_agency" title="Intelligence agency">Intelligence Agencies</a></span></th> </tr> <tr style="height: 2px; display: none;"> <td></td> </tr> <tr style="display: none;"> <td class="navbox-group" style=""><b>National Intelligence Agencies</b></td> <td style="text-align: left; border-left-width: 2px; border-left-style: solid; width: 100%; padding: 0px;" class="navbox-list navbox-odd"> <div style="padding: 0em 0.25em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Afghanistan" title="Afghanistan">Afghanistan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Directorate_of_Security" title="National Directorate of Security">NDS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Albania" title="Albania">Albania</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SHISH" title="SHISH">SHISH</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Algeria" title="Algeria">Algeria</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/D%C3%A9partement_du_Renseignement_et_de_la_S%C3%A9curit%C3%A9" title="Département du Renseignement et de la Sécurité">DRS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Argentina" title="Argentina">Argentina</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Secretar%C3%ADa_de_Inteligencia" title="Secretaría de Inteligencia">SI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australia" title="Australia">Australia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australian_Secret_Intelligence_Service" title="Australian Secret Intelligence Service">ASIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Azerbaijan" title="Azerbaijan">Azerbaijan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministry_of_National_Security_of_Azerbaijan" title="Ministry of National Security of Azerbaijan">MNSA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bahrain" title="Bahrain">Bahrain</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bahrain_National_Security_Agency&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Bahrain National Security Agency (page does not exist)">BNSA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangladesh" title="Bangladesh">Bangladesh</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Security_Intelligence" title="National Security Intelligence">NSI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Belarus" title="Belarus">Belarus</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/State_Security_Committee_of_the_Republic_of_Belarus" title="State Security Committee of the Republic of Belarus">KGB RB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bosnia_and_Herzegovina" title="Bosnia and Herzegovina">Bosnia and Herzegovina</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Obavje%C5%A1tajno_Sigurnosna_Agencija&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Obavještajno Sigurnosna Agencija (page does not exist)">OSA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brazil" title="Brazil">Brazil</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brazilian_Intelligence_Agency" title="Brazilian Intelligence Agency">ABIN</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brunei" title="Brunei">Brunei</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Brunei_Research_Department_%28International%29&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Brunei Research Department (International) (page does not exist)">BRD</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cameroon" title="Cameroon">Cameroon</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brigade_Mixte_Mobile" title="Brigade Mixte Mobile">BMM</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canada" title="Canada">Canada</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canadian_Security_Intelligence_Service" title="Canadian Security Intelligence Service">CSIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chad" title="Chad">Chad</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Security_Agency" title="National Security Agency">ANS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chile" title="Chile">Chile</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agencia_Nacional_de_Inteligencia" title="Agencia Nacional de Inteligencia">ANI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People%27s_Republic_of_China" title="People's Republic of China">P.R.C</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministry_of_State_Security_of_the_People%27s_Republic_of_China" title="Ministry of State Security of the People's Republic of China">MSS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/C%C3%B4te_d%27Ivoire" title="Côte d'Ivoire">Côte d'Ivoire</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=National_Security_Council_%28Ivory_Coast%29&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="National Security Council (Ivory Coast) (page does not exist)">NSC</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Croatia" title="Croatia">Croatia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Security_and_Intelligence_Agency" title="Security and Intelligence Agency">SOA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cuba" title="Cuba">Cuba</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligence_Directorate" title="Intelligence Directorate">DI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Czech_Republic" title="Czech Republic">Czech Republic</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Security_Information_Service" title="Security Information Service">BIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Denmark" title="Denmark">Denmark</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Danish_Defence_Intelligence_Service" title="Danish Defence Intelligence Service">FE</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Djibouti" title="Djibouti">Djibouti</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Brigade_Sp%C3%A9ciale_de_Recherche_de_la_Gendarmerie&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Brigade Spéciale de Recherche de la Gendarmerie (page does not exist)">BSRG</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Egypt" title="Egypt">Egypt</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Egyptian_General_Intelligence_Directorate" title="Egyptian General Intelligence Directorate">GIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/France" title="France">France</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Directorate-General_for_External_Security" title="Directorate-General for External Security">DGSE</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gambia" title="Gambia" class="mw-redirect">Gambia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Intelligence_Agency" title="National Intelligence Agency">NIA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Germany" title="Germany">Germany</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bundesnachrichtendienst" title="Bundesnachrichtendienst">BND</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greece" title="Greece">Greece</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Intelligence_Service_%28Greece%29" title="National Intelligence Service (Greece)">EYP</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hungary" title="Hungary">Hungary</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Inform%C3%A1ci%C3%B3s_Hivatal" title="Információs Hivatal">IH</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/India" title="India">India</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Research_and_Analysis_Wing" title="Research and Analysis Wing">RAW</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indonesia" title="Indonesia">Indonesia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Badan_Intelijen_Negara" title="Badan Intelijen Negara" class="mw-redirect">BIN</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iran" title="Iran">Iran</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministry_of_Intelligence_%28Iran%29" title="Ministry of Intelligence (Iran)" class="mw-redirect">VEVAK</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iraq" title="Iraq">Iraq</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/General_Security_Directorate_%28Iraq%29" title="General Security Directorate (Iraq)">GSD</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel" title="Israel">Israel</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mossad" title="Mossad">Mossad</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Italy" title="Italy">Italy</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agenzia_Informazioni_e_Sicurezza_Esterna" title="Agenzia Informazioni e Sicurezza Esterna">AISE</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japan" title="Japan">Japan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_Security_Intelligence_Agency" title="Public Security Intelligence Agency">PSIA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jordan" title="Jordan">Jordan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dairat_al-Mukhabarat_al-Ammah" title="Dairat al-Mukhabarat al-Ammah">GID</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kazakhstan" title="Kazakhstan">Kazakhstan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Security_Committee_of_the_Republic_of_Kazakhstan" title="National Security Committee of the Republic of Kazakhstan">NSC</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kyrgyzstan" title="Kyrgyzstan">Kyrgyzstan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Kyrgyz_National_Security_Service&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Kyrgyz National Security Service (page does not exist)">SNB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kuwait" title="Kuwait">Kuwait</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Kuwait_State_Security&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Kuwait State Security (page does not exist)">KSS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lebanon" title="Lebanon">Lebanon</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/General_Directorate_of_General_Security" title="General Directorate of General Security">GDGS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Libya" title="Libya">Libya</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jamahiriya_el-Mukhabarat" title="Jamahiriya el-Mukhabarat">JM</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malaysia" title="Malaysia">Malaysia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kor_Risik_DiRaja" title="Kor Risik DiRaja">KRD</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maldives" title="Maldives">Maldives</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Security_Service_%28Maldives%29" title="National Security Service (Maldives)" class="mw-redirect">NSS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mexico" title="Mexico">Mexico</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Centro_de_Investigaci%C3%B3n_y_Seguridad_Nacional" title="Centro de Investigación y Seguridad Nacional">CISEN</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Montenegro" title="Montenegro">Montenegro</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Security_Agency_%28Montenegro%29" title="National Security Agency (Montenegro)">ANB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Morocco" title="Morocco">Morocco</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=General_Directorate_of_Studies_and_Documentation&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="General Directorate of Studies and Documentation (page does not exist)">DGED</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mozambique" title="Mozambique">Mozambique</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=State_Security_and_Intelligence_Service&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="State Security and Intelligence Service (page does not exist)">SISE</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Netherlands" title="Netherlands">Netherlands</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/General_Intelligence_and_Security_Service" title="General Intelligence and Security Service">AIVD</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Zealand" title="New Zealand">New Zealand</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/External_Assessments_Bureau" title="External Assessments Bureau">EAB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nigeria" title="Nigeria">Nigeria</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Intelligence_Agency_%28Nigeria%29" title="National Intelligence Agency (Nigeria)">NIA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pakistan" title="Pakistan">Pakistan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Inter-Services_Intelligence" title="Inter-Services Intelligence">ISI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Papua_New_Guinea" title="Papua New Guinea">Papua New Guinea</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Intelligence_Organization_%28Papua_New_Guinea%29" title="National Intelligence Organization (Papua New Guinea)">NIO</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philippines" title="Philippines">Philippines</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Intelligence_Coordinating_Agency" title="National Intelligence Coordinating Agency">NICA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Poland" title="Poland">Poland</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agencja_Wywiadu" title="Agencja Wywiadu">AW</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Portugal" title="Portugal">Portugal</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Servi%C3%A7o_de_Informa%C3%A7%C3%B5es_Estrat%C3%A9gicas_de_Defesa&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Serviço de Informações Estratégicas de Defesa (page does not exist)">SIED</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Qatar" title="Qatar">Qatar</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Qatari_State_Security&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Qatari State Security (page does not exist)">QSS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romania" title="Romania">Romania</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foreign_Intelligence_Service_%28Romania%29" title="Foreign Intelligence Service (Romania)">SIE</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russia" title="Russia">Russia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foreign_Intelligence_Service_%28Russia%29" title="Foreign Intelligence Service (Russia)">SVR</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saudi_Arabia" title="Saudi Arabia">Saudi Arabia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al_Mukhabarat_Al_A%27amah" title="Al Mukhabarat Al A'amah">GIP</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Serbia" title="Serbia">Serbia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Serbian_Intelligence_Agency" title="Serbian Intelligence Agency" class="mw-redirect">BIA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sierra_Leone" title="Sierra Leone">Sierra Leone</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Central_Intelligence_and_Security_Unit&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Central Intelligence and Security Unit (page does not exist)">CISU</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Singapore" title="Singapore">Singapore</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Security_and_Intelligence_Division" title="Security and Intelligence Division">SID</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slovenia" title="Slovenia">Slovenia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Slovene_Intelligence_and_Security_Agency&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Slovene Intelligence and Security Agency (page does not exist)">SOVA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Somalia" title="Somalia">Somalia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Security_Service_%28Somalia%29" title="National Security Service (Somalia)">NSS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_Africa" title="South Africa">South Africa</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_African_Secret_Service" title="South African Secret Service">SASS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_Korea" title="South Korea">South Korea</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Intelligence_Service_%28South_Korea%29" title="National Intelligence Service (South Korea)">NIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spain" title="Spain">Spain</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Centro_Nacional_de_Inteligencia" title="Centro Nacional de Inteligencia">CNI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sri_Lanka" title="Sri Lanka">Sri Lanka</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/State_Intelligence_Service_%28Sri_Lanka%29" title="State Intelligence Service (Sri Lanka)">SIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sudan" title="Sudan">Sudan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Jihaaz_Al_Amn_Al_Watani_Wal_Mukhaabaraat&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Jihaaz Al Amn Al Watani Wal Mukhaabaraat (page does not exist)">JAWM</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Switzerland" title="Switzerland">Switzerland</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Strategic_Intelligence_Service" title="Strategic Intelligence Service" class="mw-redirect">SND</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Syria" title="Syria">Syria</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/General_Security_Directorate_%28Syria%29" title="General Security Directorate (Syria)">GSD</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Republic_of_China" title="Republic of China">R.O.C</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Security_Bureau" title="National Security Bureau">NSB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tajikistan" title="Tajikistan">Tajikistan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministry_of_Security" title="Ministry of Security" class="mw-redirect">MoS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Togo" title="Togo">Togo</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Intelligence_Agency" title="National Intelligence Agency">NIA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tunisia" title="Tunisia">Tunisia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Tunisian_Intelligence_Agency&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Tunisian Intelligence Agency (page does not exist)">TIA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turkey" title="Turkey">Turkey</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Intelligence_Organization_%28Turkey%29" title="National Intelligence Organization (Turkey)">MİT</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turkmenistan" title="Turkmenistan">Turkmenistan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Committee_for_National_Security_%28Turkmenistan%29" title="Committee for National Security (Turkmenistan)">KNB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uganda" title="Uganda">Uganda</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Internal_Security_Organisation" title="Internal Security Organisation">ISO</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ukraine" title="Ukraine">Ukraine</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Foreign_Intelligence_Service_of_Ukraine" title="Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine">SZRU</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Arab_Emirates" title="United Arab Emirates">United Arab Emirates</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=UAE_Intelligence&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="UAE Intelligence (page does not exist)">UAEI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Kingdom" title="United Kingdom">United Kingdom</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Secret_Intelligence_Service" title="Secret Intelligence Service">SIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States" title="United States">United States</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Central_Intelligence_Agency" title="Central Intelligence Agency">CIA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uzbekistan" title="Uzbekistan">Uzbekistan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Milliy_Havfsizlik_Hizmati&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Milliy Havfsizlik Hizmati (page does not exist)">MHH</a>)</div> </td> </tr> <tr style="height: 2px; display: none;"> <td></td> </tr> <tr style="display: none;"> <td class="navbox-group" style=""><b>Domestic Intelligence Agencies</b></td> <td style="text-align: left; border-left-width: 2px; border-left-style: solid; width: 100%; padding: 0px;" class="navbox-list navbox-even"> <div style="padding: 0em 0.25em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Argentina" title="Argentina">Argentina</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Secretar%C3%ADa_de_Inteligencia" title="Secretaría de Inteligencia">SIDE</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australia" title="Australia">Australia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australian_Security_Intelligence_Organisation" title="Australian Security Intelligence Organisation">ASIO</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangladesh" title="Bangladesh">Bangladesh</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rapid_Action_Battalion" title="Rapid Action Battalion">RAB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Belarus" title="Belarus">Belarus</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/State_Security_Agency_of_the_Republic_of_Belarus" title="State Security Agency of the Republic of Belarus" class="mw-redirect">KGB RB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brazil" title="Brazil">Brazil</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brazilian_Intelligence_Agency" title="Brazilian Intelligence Agency">ABIN</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canada" title="Canada">Canada</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canadian_Security_Intelligence_Service" title="Canadian Security Intelligence Service">CSIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chile" title="Chile">Chile</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agencia_Nacional_de_Inteligencia" title="Agencia Nacional de Inteligencia">ANI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People%27s_Republic_of_China" title="People's Republic of China">P.R.C</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministry_of_State_Security_of_the_People%27s_Republic_of_China" title="Ministry of State Security of the People's Republic of China">MSS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Croatia" title="Croatia">Croatia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Security_and_Intelligence_Agency" title="Security and Intelligence Agency">SOA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Denmark" title="Denmark">Denmark</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Politiets_Efterretningstjeneste" title="Politiets Efterretningstjeneste" class="mw-redirect">PET</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Egypt" title="Egypt">Egypt</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/State_Security_Intelligence" title="State Security Intelligence">SSI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Estonia" title="Estonia">Estonia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kaitsepolitsei" title="Kaitsepolitsei">KAPO</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Finland" title="Finland">Finland</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Suojelupoliisi" title="Suojelupoliisi" class="mw-redirect">SUPO</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/France" title="France">France</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_centrale_du_renseignement_int%C3%A9rieur" title="Direction centrale du renseignement intérieur">DCRI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Germany" title="Germany">Germany</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Office_for_the_Protection_of_the_Constitution" title="Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution" class="mw-redirect">BfV</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greece" title="Greece">Greece</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Intelligence_Service_%28Greece%29" title="National Intelligence Service (Greece)">EYP</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hungary" title="Hungary">Hungary</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nemzetbiztons%C3%A1gi_Hivatal" title="Nemzetbiztonsági Hivatal">NBH</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/India" title="India">India</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligence_Bureau_%28India%29" title="Intelligence Bureau (India)">IB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Iran" title="Iran">Iran</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Law_enforcement_in_Iran" title="Law enforcement in Iran">NAJA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel" title="Israel">Israel</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shin_Bet" title="Shin Bet">Shin Bet</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Italy" title="Italy">Italy</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agenzia_Informazioni_e_Sicurezza_Interna" title="Agenzia Informazioni e Sicurezza Interna">AISI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japan" title="Japan">Japan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Public_Security_Intelligence_Agency" title="Public Security Intelligence Agency">PSIA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Netherlands" title="Netherlands">Netherlands</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NCTb" title="NCTb">NCTb</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Zealand" title="New Zealand">New Zealand</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Zealand_Security_Intelligence_Service" title="New Zealand Security Intelligence Service">NZSIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nigeria" title="Nigeria">Nigeria</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/State_Security_Service" title="State Security Service">SSS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Norway" title="Norway">Norway</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Norwegian_Police_Security_Service" title="Norwegian Police Security Service">PST</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pakistan" title="Pakistan">Pakistan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligence_Bureau_%28Pakistan%29" title="Intelligence Bureau (Pakistan)">IB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philippines" title="Philippines">Philippines</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Bureau_of_Investigation_%28Philippines%29" title="National Bureau of Investigation (Philippines)">NBI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Poland" title="Poland">Poland</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agencja_Bezpiecze%C5%84stwa_Wewn%C4%99trznego" title="Agencja Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego">ABW</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Portugal" title="Portugal">Portugal</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Servi%C3%A7o_de_Informa%C3%A7%C3%B5es_de_Seguran%C3%A7a" title="Serviço de Informações de Segurança">SIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romania" title="Romania">Romania</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Serviciul_Rom%C3%A2n_de_Informa%C5%A3ii" title="Serviciul Român de Informaţii">SRI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russia" title="Russia">Russia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Security_Service_%28Russia%29" title="Federal Security Service (Russia)">FSB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Serbia" title="Serbia">Serbia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Serbian_Intelligence_Agency" title="Serbian Intelligence Agency" class="mw-redirect">BIA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Singapore" title="Singapore">Singapore</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Internal_Security_Department" title="Internal Security Department">ISD</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_Africa" title="South Africa">South Africa</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Intelligence_Agency" title="National Intelligence Agency">NIA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_Korea" title="South Korea">South Korea</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Intelligence_Service_%28South_Korea%29" title="National Intelligence Service (South Korea)">NIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sri_Lanka" title="Sri Lanka">Sri Lanka</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/State_Intelligence_Service_%28Sri_Lanka%29" title="State Intelligence Service (Sri Lanka)">SIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sweden" title="Sweden">Sweden</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swedish_Security_Service" title="Swedish Security Service">SÄPO</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Switzerland" title="Switzerland">Switzerland</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Service_for_Analysis_and_Prevention" title="Service for Analysis and Prevention" class="mw-redirect">SAP</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Republic_of_China" title="Republic of China">R.O.C</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministry_of_Justice_Investigation_Bureau" title="Ministry of Justice Investigation Bureau">MJIB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Turkey" title="Turkey">Turkey</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Undersecretariat_of_Public_Order_and_Security" title="Undersecretariat of Public Order and Security">KDGM</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ukraine" title="Ukraine">Ukraine</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Security_Service_of_Ukraine" title="Security Service of Ukraine">SBU</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Kingdom" title="United Kingdom">United Kingdom</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/MI5" title="MI5">MI5</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States" title="United States">United States</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Federal_Bureau_of_Investigation" title="Federal Bureau of Investigation">FBI</a>)</div> </td> </tr> <tr style="height: 2px; display: none;"> <td></td> </tr> <tr style="display: none;"> <td class="navbox-group" style=""><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_intelligence" title="Military intelligence">Military Intelligence</a> Agencies</b></td> <td style="text-align: left; border-left-width: 2px; border-left-style: solid; width: 100%; padding: 0px;" class="navbox-list navbox-odd"> <div style="padding: 0em 0.25em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australia" title="Australia">Australia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Defence_Intelligence_Organisation" title="Defence Intelligence Organisation">DIO</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangladesh" title="Bangladesh">Bangladesh</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Directorate_General_of_Forces_Intelligence" title="Directorate General of Forces Intelligence">DGFI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brazil" title="Brazil">Brazil</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Departamento_de_Intelig%C3%AAncia_Estrat%C3%A9gica&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Departamento de Inteligência Estratégica (page does not exist)">DIE</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canada" title="Canada">Canada</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Intelligence_Branch_%28Canadian_Forces%29" title="Intelligence Branch (Canadian Forces)">Int Branch</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Croatia" title="Croatia">Croatia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_Security_and_Intelligence_Agency" title="Military Security and Intelligence Agency">VSOA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Denmark" title="Denmark">Denmark</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Danish_Defence_Intelligence_Service" title="Danish Defence Intelligence Service">FE</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Egypt" title="Egypt">Egypt</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Directorate_of_Military_Intelligence_Services_and_Reconnaissance&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Directorate of Military Intelligence Services and Reconnaissance (page does not exist)">DMISR</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Finland" title="Finland">Finland</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Finnish_Military_Intelligence_Service" title="Finnish Military Intelligence Service">FMIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/France" title="France">France</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_du_renseignement_militaire" title="Direction du renseignement militaire">DRM</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Directorate-General_for_External_Security" title="Directorate-General for External Security">DGSE</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Germany" title="Germany">Germany</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Milit%C3%A4rischer_Abschirmdienst" title="Militärischer Abschirmdienst">MAD</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/India" title="India">India</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Directorate_of_Military_Intelligence_%28India%29" title="Directorate of Military Intelligence (India)">DMI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel" title="Israel">Israel</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_Intelligence_Directorate_%28Israel%29" title="Military Intelligence Directorate (Israel)">MID</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Italy" title="Italy">Italy</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Centro_Intelligence_Interforze&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Centro Intelligence Interforze (page does not exist)">CII</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mexico" title="Mexico">Mexico</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Centro_de_Investigaci%C3%B3n_y_Seguridad_Nacional" title="Centro de Investigación y Seguridad Nacional">CISEN</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Netherlands" title="Netherlands">Netherlands</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dutch_Military_Intelligence_and_Security_Service" title="Dutch Military Intelligence and Security Service">MIVD</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pakistan" title="Pakistan">Pakistan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_Intelligence_of_Pakistan" title="Military Intelligence of Pakistan">MI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philippines" title="Philippines">Philippines</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Armed_Forces_of_the_Philippines#AFP-wide_support_and_separate_units" title="Armed Forces of the Philippines">ISAFP</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Poland" title="Poland">Poland</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=S%C5%82u%C5%BCba_Kontrwywiadu_Wojskowego&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Służba Kontrwywiadu Wojskowego (page does not exist)">SKW</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=S%C5%82u%C5%BCba_Wywiadu_Wojskowego&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Służba Wywiadu Wojskowego (page does not exist)">SWW</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romania" title="Romania">Romania</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direc%C5%A3ia_General%C4%83_de_Informa%C5%A3ii_a_Ap%C4%83r%C4%83rii" title="Direcţia Generală de Informaţii a Apărării">DGIA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russia" title="Russia">Russia</a> (<strong class="selflink">GRU</strong>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Serbia" title="Serbia">Serbia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vojnoobave%C5%A1tajna_agencija" title="Vojnoobaveštajna agencija">VOA</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vojnobezbednosna_agencija" title="Vojnobezbednosna agencija" class="mw-redirect">VBA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Singapore" title="Singapore">Singapore</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Intelligences_and_Security_Branch&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Intelligences and Security Branch (page does not exist)">ISB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Slovenia" title="Slovenia">Slovenia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Intelligence_and_Security_Service_of_the_Ministry_of_Defence&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Intelligence and Security Service of the Ministry of Defence (page does not exist)">OVS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_Korea" title="South Korea">South Korea</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Defence_Security_Command" title="Defence Security Command" class="mw-redirect">DSC</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sri_Lanka" title="Sri Lanka">Sri Lanka</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Directorate_of_Military_Intelligence_%28Sri_Lanka%29" title="Directorate of Military Intelligence (Sri Lanka)">DMI</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sweden" title="Sweden">Sweden</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swedish_Military_Intelligence_and_Security_Service" title="Swedish Military Intelligence and Security Service">MUST</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Switzerland" title="Switzerland">Switzerland</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Milit%C3%A4rischer_Nachrichtendienst" title="Militärischer Nachrichtendienst" class="mw-redirect">MND</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luftwaffennachrichtendienst" title="Luftwaffennachrichtendienst" class="mw-redirect">LWND</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Syria" title="Syria">Syria</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_Intelligence_%28Syria%29" title="Military Intelligence (Syria)">MI</a>, <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Air_Force_Intelligence_Directorate" title="Air Force Intelligence Directorate">AFID</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Republic_of_China" title="Republic of China">R.O.C</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Bureau_of_Military_Intelligence&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Bureau of Military Intelligence (page does not exist)">Bureau of Military Intelligence</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ukraine" title="Ukraine">Ukraine</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chief_Directorate_of_Intelligence_of_the_Ministry_of_Defence_of_Ukraine" title="Chief Directorate of Intelligence of the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine">HUR MO</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Kingdom" title="United Kingdom">United Kingdom</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Defence_Intelligence_Staff" title="Defence Intelligence Staff" class="mw-redirect">DIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States" title="United States">United States</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Defense_Intelligence_Agency" title="Defense Intelligence Agency">DIA</a>)</div> </td> </tr> <tr style="height: 2px; display: none;"> <td></td> </tr> <tr style="display: none;"> <td class="navbox-group" style=""><b><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Signals_intelligence" title="Signals intelligence">Signals Intelligence</a> Agencies</b></td> <td style="text-align: left; border-left-width: 2px; border-left-style: solid; width: 100%; padding: 0px;" class="navbox-list navbox-even"> <div style="padding: 0em 0.25em;"><a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australia" title="Australia">Australia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Defence_Signals_Directorate" title="Defence Signals Directorate">DSD</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brazil" title="Brazil">Brazil</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Segunda_Subchefia_do_Estado-Maior_de_Defesa" title="Segunda Subchefia do Estado-Maior de Defesa" class="mw-redirect">2ª Sch/EMD</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canada" title="Canada">Canada</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communications_Security_Establishment_Canada" title="Communications Security Establishment Canada">CSE</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People%27s_Republic_of_China" title="People's Republic of China">P.R.C</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People%27s_Liberation_Army_General_Staff_Department" title="People's Liberation Army General Staff Department">SIGINT</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Croatia" title="Croatia">Croatia</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operational_Technology_Centre_for_the_Surveillance_of_Telecommunications" title="Operational Technology Centre for the Surveillance of Telecommunications" class="mw-redirect">OTC</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Finland" title="Finland">Finland</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Finnish_Intelligence_Research_Establishment" title="Finnish Intelligence Research Establishment">FIRE</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/France" title="France">France</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Direction_g%C3%A9n%C3%A9rale_de_la_s%C3%A9curit%C3%A9_ext%C3%A9rieure" title="Direction générale de la sécurité extérieure" class="mw-redirect">DGSE</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Germany" title="Germany">Germany</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bundesnachrichtendienst" title="Bundesnachrichtendienst">BND</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Greece" title="Greece">Greece</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Intelligence_Service_%28Greece%29" title="National Intelligence Service (Greece)">EYP</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/India" title="India">India</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joint_Cipher_Bureau" title="Joint Cipher Bureau">JCB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Israel" title="Israel">Israel</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unit_8200" title="Unit 8200">8200</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japan" title="Japan">Japan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Defense_Intelligence_Headquarters" title="Defense Intelligence Headquarters">DIH</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Netherlands" title="Netherlands">Netherlands</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Nationale_signals_intelligence_organisatie_nso&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Nationale signals intelligence organisatie nso (page does not exist)">nationale signals intelligence organisatie nso</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Zealand" title="New Zealand">New Zealand</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Government_Communications_Security_Bureau" title="Government Communications Security Bureau">GCSB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pakistan" title="Pakistan">Pakistan</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Inter-Services_Intelligence" title="Inter-Services Intelligence">JSIB</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Russia" title="Russia">Russia</a> (<strong class="selflink">GRU</strong>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/South_Africa" title="South Africa">South Africa</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Communications_Centre" title="National Communications Centre">NCC</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sweden" title="Sweden">Sweden</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swedish_National_Defence_Radio_Establishment" title="Swedish National Defence Radio Establishment" class="mw-redirect">FRA</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Switzerland" title="Switzerland">Switzerland</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Strategic_Intelligence_Service" title="Strategic Intelligence Service" class="mw-redirect">SIS</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ukraine" title="Ukraine">Ukraine</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Derzhspetszviazok&action=edit&redlink=1" class="new" title="Derzhspetszviazok (page does not exist)">Derzhspetszviazok</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Kingdom" title="United Kingdom">United Kingdom</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Government_Communications_Headquarters" title="Government Communications Headquarters">GCHQ</a>) <span style="font-weight: bold;">·</span> <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States" title="United States">United States</a> (<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Security_Agency" title="National Security Agency">NSA</a>)</div> </td> </tr> </tbody></table> </td> </tr> </tbody></table> </div> </td> </tr> </tbody></table> </td> </tr> </tbody></table> <!-- NewPP limit report Preprocessor node count: 4395/1000000 Post-expand include size: 197647/2048000 bytes Template argument size: 155910/2048000 bytes Expensive parser function count: 3/500 --> <!-- Saved in parser cache with key enwiki:pcache:idhash:261749-0!1!0!default!!en!4 and timestamp 20110107132607 --> <div class="printfooter"> Retrieved from "<a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU">http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/GRU</a>"</div> <!-- /bodytext --> <!-- catlinks --> <div 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